THE 


MILITAEY  HEROES 


or  THE 


WAR    OF    1812: 


WITH  A 


NABRATTVE  OF  THE  WAE, 


BY  CHARLES  J.  PETERSON. 


TENTH  EDITION. 

• 

PHILADELPHIA: 

PUBLISHED  BY  JAS.  B.  SMITH  A  CO., 
NO.  610  CHESTNUT  ST. 

1858. 


E.35J 


EUTDIED  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  In  the  year  1852,  fry 

J.  A  J.  L.  GIHON, 
to  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Eastern  District  of  PennsylTMiia. 


& 


TO 


MAJOR-GENERAL  WINFIELD   SCOTT 


THIS  WORK    19 


RESPECTFULLY  DEDICATED 


BY     THE     ATJTHOR 


PREFACE. 

THE  war  of  1812  furnishes  little  to  gratify  the  military 
annalist  until  he  approaches  its  close.  The  imbecility  of  the 
Generals  and  the  number  of  their  defeats,  naturally  dispirit  an 
author.  He  feels  the  subject  continually  checking  him ;  and 
is  delighted,  when  the  campaign  of  1814  opening,  affords  him 
something  beside  disgrace  and  disaster  to  record.  The  un- 
promising nature  of  the  subject  has  prevented  any  writer  of 
ability  from  taking  it  up :  and  hence  a  good  history  of  the 
War  of  1812  is  as  yet  unknown  to  the  language. 

There  is  no  attempt  in  the  following  pages  to  supply  this 
deficiency.  Indeed  such  an  endeavor  would  be  foreign  to  the 
purpose  of  this  work.  The  narrative  of  the  war  is  but  sub- 
ordinate to  the  main  design  of  the  volume,  and  hence  the 
author  has  contented  himself  with  a  mere  outline  sketch,  tho 
only  merit  of  which,  if  he  has  succeeded  in  his  aim,  is  in  be 


VI  PREFACE. 

ing  authentic  and  comprehensive.    The  details  of  the  picture 
are  left  to  be  filled  up  from  the  Biographies. 

The  nature  of  the  theme  has  forced  the  author  to  depart, 
in  a  measure,  from  the  plan  of  his  work.  There  are  several 
Generals  noticed  who  have  no  pretensions  to  be  Heroes ;  but 
the  story  would  be  incomplete  without  them.  The  author 
has  not  hesitated,  however,  to  express  his  opinion  as  to  the 
merits  of  each  officer ;  and,  so  far  forth,  has  carried  out  his 
original  design.  Whether  his  opinions  are  correct  must  be 
left  for  impartial  criticism  to  decide. 


CONTENTS. 


PREFACE, 


PAGES 


THE  WAR  OF  1812. 

PRELIMINARY  CHAPTER,  ... 

BOOK  I. — ORIGIN  OF  THE  WAR,  «         • 

BOOK  II. — To  THE  SPRING  OF  THE  YEAB  1814, 
BOOK  III. — To  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  CONTEST,    - 


THE  HEROES  OF  THE  WAR  OF  1812. 

WILLIAM  HULL,     -  -          •          . 

JAMES  WINCHESTER,  .... 

ZEBULON  MONTGOMERT  PIKE, 

HENRT  DEARBORN,  .... 

JAMES  WILKINSON,        - 

JOHN  ARMSTRONG,  .... 


-  13 
17 

.  29 
91 


73 

81 
87 
93 

97 
107 


CONTENTS. 

CROOHAW, pAM  m 

WILLIAM  HKWRT  HAHHISOW,          .          .         .         .         .          .         -119 

RICHARD  M.  JoHwsoir,      .         .         .         .         .         „         .         „  133 

ISAAC  SHELBT,            -«--.-_«.  139 

JACOB  Bnowx,        •••          ......  141 

ELEAZKR  W.  RIPLBT,                        •-••...  159 

JAMES  MILLER,        -*•••»._.  157 

NATHAX  Towsoir,        -......._  m 

THOMAS  S.  JESSUF,            -••.*..„  175 

EDMUND  PENDLETOW  GAIXM,          ......          -  177 

PETER  B.  PORTER,              ---...«,  .€3 

ALEXANDER  MACOMB,            -...._.„  155 

SAMUEL  SMITH,       •-•-.....  191 

ANDREW  JACKSON,      -.....»..  197 


' 


HE  war  of  1812  was  the  sequel  to 
the  war  of  independence.     It  was  the 
offspring  of  an  old  hatred,  nurtured 
into  life  by  the  arrogance  of  England. 
Those  who  declaim  against  the  war 
because  begun  to  punish  wrongs  perpetrated 
Great  Britain,  when  outrages  nearly  as 
great  on  the  part  Of  France  were  overlooked, 
do  not  understand  the  question  they  assume  to  discuss.     Nations,  as 
well  as  men,  will  endure  that  from  a  friend  which  they  will  never 
submit  to  frorn  a  foe.     England  had  been  hated  by  the  people  of  the 
U  13 


14  PRELIMINARY    CHAPTER. 

United  States,  since  the  period  of  the  Revolution;  while  France, 
notwithstanding  all  her  injustice,  still  possessed  their  gratitude  and 
sympathy.  The  wonder  is,  not  that  the  war. took  place,  but  that  it  did 
not  happen  before.  The  acknowledgment  of  our  independence  had 
been  made  with  a  bad  grace  by  Great  Britain  in  1783,  and,  as  if  her  ill 
humor  was  never  to  be  appeased,  she  continued  to  treat  us  with  an 
insolence  that  galled  our  national  pride.  The  war  of  1812  was  not 
the  work  of  the  President,  nor  even  of  his  party ;  but  was  forced  on 
an  unwilling  cabinet  by  the  popular  will.  It  was  a  war  of  the  people. 

Dangerous  as  the  war  seemed  to  many  at  the  time,  a  single  gene- 
ration has  established  its  necessity  and  wisdom.  It  is  true  that,  at 
the  peace  of  Ghent,  no  acknowledgment  was  obtained  from  England 
of  the  injustice  of  her  system  of  impressment,  which  was  the  apparent 
cause  for  embarking  in  the  contest.  But  nevertheless  all  the 
substantial  benefits  were  on  our  side.  We  had  proved  that  we  were 
not  a  power  to  be  despised,  either  on  land  or  sea ;  and  that  nothing 
was  to  be  gained,  but  everything  lost,  by  persisting  in  the  struggle. 
For  the  first  two  years  of  the  strife,  our  armies  had  been  defeated 
almost  universally.  This  so  elated  the  Prince  Regent,  that  the  offer 
to  compromise  our  difficulties,  which  he  would  have  been  glad  to 
have  accepted  in  the  beginning,  he  now  rejected ;  and  having  just 
closed  the  protracted  struggle  with  Napoleon,  he  resolved  to  inundate 
this  country  with  the  veterans  of  the  Peninsula,  and  chastise  us  for 
having  declared  war  against  England,  when  she  was  surrounded  \v  ith 
foes.  Accordingly  the  campaign  of  1814  was  opened  by  the  appear- 
ance of  a  most  imposing  force  in  America.  The  British  officers 
boasted  that  they  would  conquer  and  hold  a  portion  of  our  territory 
at  least ;  and  even  some  of  our  own  citizens,  arguing  from  former 
defeats,  despaired  of  the  country. 

Two  causes  conspired  to  frustrate  the  calculations  of  the  enemy, 
and  make  him  eager  to  secure  peace  on  the  terms  he  had  rejected. 
The  first  was  that  the  nation,  now  seriously  alarmed,  began  to  rally  in 
earnest  for  its  defence.  That  spirit  of  enthusiasm,  which  had  burned  so 
brightly  in  1 776,  again  blazed  up ;  and  the  whole  Union  was  suddenly 
turned  into  an  armed  camp,  resounding  with  the  din  of  preparation. 
The  second  cause  was  this,  the  Generals  to  whom  the  command 
of  our  armies  had  been  committed,  during  the  preceding  campaigns, 
had  been  old  revolutionary  officers,  of  respectable  standing  when 
young,  but  now  utterly  exhausted  by  indolence  and  age.  By  the 
close  of  1813,  however,  the  army  had  been  thoroughly  purged  of 
these  imbecile  leaders.  A  new  race  of  Generals,  composed  of  men 
of  spirit,  genius  and  enterprise,  had  arisen.  At  the  head  of  these 


PRELIMINARY    CHAPTER.  15 

stood  Brown.  He  was  one  of  those  individuals  who  are  born  war- 
riors. What  he  wanted  in  knowledge,  he  made  up  in  energy,  and  the 
latter  qualification  was,  just  then,  of  more  importance  than  the  former. 
The  nation,  at  this  crisis,  required  a  bold  man  for  its  leader,  one 
not  afraid  of  hard  blows,  and  who,  believing  that  the  American  fur- 
nished as  good  material  for  a  soldier  as  the  Englishman,  would  never 
decline  a  combat.  Brown  was  even  more  than  this.  He  was  not 
only  willing  to  meet  the  British,  when  his  forces  were  equal  to  theirs, 
but  even  when  hisnumber  were  decidedly  inferior.  He  was  admirably 
seconded  by  his  subordinates,  especially  by  Scott,  who  had  in  a 
measure  formed  the  army,  introducing  into  it  the  French  discipline, 
and  changing  by  constant  drilling,  raw  recruits  into  good  soldiers. 

The  result  of  the  battles  of  Chippewa,  Lundy's  Lane  and  Erie, 
was  to  convince  Great  Britain  that,  in  the  United  States,  she  had 
found  an  enemy  who  would  grow  more  formidable  every  year.  As 
there  was  nothing  to  be  gained  by  a  contest  with  such  a  foe,  but  on 
the  contrary,  much  blood  and  treasure  to  be  lost,  she  became  suddenly 
as  eager  for  a  peace,  as,  six  months  before,  she  had  been  indifferent 
to  it.  These  victories  taught  our  own  people  the  existence  of  a  latent 
aptitude  for  war  among  themselves,  of  which  they  had  never  dreamed. 
That  the  American  furnished  the  best  material  for  the  soldier,  because 
as  robust  as  others,  and  more  intelligent,  was  thenceforth  no  longer 
a  heresy  to  assert.  Discipline  in  the  men,  and  ability  in  the  com- 
mander, was  all  that  was  necessary,  it  was  seen,  to  render  victory 
probable,  if  not  certain. 

Since  the  war  of  18 12,  the  United  States  have  held  a  better  position 
among  nations  than  before.  Our  naval  successes  over  a  power  that 
was  deemed  invincible  at  sea,  suddenly  awakened  the  attention  of 
Europe  to  this  young  giant  of  the  west.  The  single  victory  of  the 
Constitution  over  the  Guerriere,  gained  us  more  respect  abroad, 
than  could  have  been  attained  by  a  long  career  of  the  most  brilliant 
successes  in  the  arts  of  peace.  The  manner  in  which  that  triumph 
was  followed  up,  made  a  profound  impression  on  the  public  mind  on 
the  continent.  Since  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  our  flag  has  been  treated 
with  marked  deference  in  foreign  ports.  The  dazzling  exploits  on 
jand,  with  which  we  closed  the  contest,  had  their  effect  also  in  revo- 
lutionizing opinions  abroad.  Prior  to  the  war  of  1812,  we  ranked  in 
Europe,  as  a  fourth-rate  power  only ;  but  since  then,  the  position  of  a 
second-rate  one  has  been  freely  conceded  to  us.  We  have,  it  is  true, 
aspired  to  be  considered  one  of  the  first  powers  in  the  world ;  and 
though  this  is  not  pretence  in  1848,  it  was  so,  perhaps,  in  1815.  We 
advance,  indeed,  with  steps  that  find  no  parallel  in  history.  Within 


16 


PRELIMINARY    CHAPTER. 


the  last  thirty  years,  we  have  passed  from  youth  to  manhood, 
as  in  the  thirty  preceding  years  we  grew  from  infancy  to  adolescence. 
What  was  exaggeration  for  our  fathers  to  assert,  becomes,  therefore, 
less  than  the  truth  in  us. 

It  shall  be  our  purpose  to  narrate,  in  a  rapid  manner,  the  events 
of  the  war  of  1812,  which  exercised  such  an  influence  on  the  charac- 
ter, genius  and  development  of  this  nation. 


BOOK  I. 


ORIGIN     OF     THE     WAR. 


HE  war  of  1812  naturally  divides 
itself  into  three  great  periods.  The 
first  embraces  the  origin  of  the 
war.  This  will  necessarily  con- 
tain a  review  of  the  conduct  of 
Great  Britain  towards  the  United  States, 
from  the  peace  of  1783,  to  the  declaration 
of  hostilities  on  the  19th  of  June,  1812  ; 
comprise  an  account  of  the  celebrated 
Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  and  of  the  Bri- 
tish orders  in  council ;  and  furnish  a  narrative  of  the  origin,  exercise, 
and  perversion  of  the  claim  of  England  to  impress  seamen.  The 
second  opens  with  the  surrender  of  Detroit ;  records  the  failure  of 
Harrison's  winter  and  autumnal  campaigns  in  1812  ;  and  explains 
she  miscarriages  of  Dearborn,  Wilkinson  and  Hampton,  on  the  Lakes 
and  St.  Lawrence,  during  the  spring,  summer  and  autumn  of  1813. 
This  was  a  period  of  almost  universal  defeat  for  the  armies  of  tho 
II*  2  17 


18  ORIGIN    OF    THE    WAR. 

United  States.  Inefficient  Generals  and  undisciplined  troops  united 
to  cover  the  nation  with  disgrace.  During  this  interval  the  Creek 
war  in  the  south  occurred.  But  for  some  brilliant  successes  at  sea, 
and  for  the  victory  of  the  Thames  in  October,  1  SI 3,  these  first  twenty 
months  of  the  contest  would  have  presented  only  unmitigated  disas- 
ter. The  third  and  last  period  opened  in  the  spring  of  1814,  with 
the  most  gloomy  anticipations.  The  subjugation  of  Napoleon  had 
left  England  free  to  employ  all  her  strength  against  the  United  States. 
The  veteran  troops  of  Wellington  were  accordingly  poured  into  Ca- 
nada. Boasts  of  permanently  annexing  a  portion  of  New  York,  or 
of  New  England,  to  the  British  dominions  were  publicly  made  by 
the  English  officers.  But  suddenly  the  scene  changed.  These  splen- 
did veterans  were  defeated  in  every  contest,  by  our  comparatively 
raw  troops.  Instead  of  gaining  a  foothold  in  the  United  States  the 
enemy  was  everywhere  beaten  on  his  own  soil.  These  results  pro- 
ceeded from  placing  bolder  and  younger  men  in  command  of  the 
army  ;  from  disciplining  the  troops  thoroughly  ;  and  from  the  spirit 
of  patriotism  which  was  now  fully  aroused  to  meet  the  impending 
crisis.  From  this  hour  the  arms  of  the  United  States  were  in  the 
ascendant.  Success  had  at  first  receded  from  us  further  and  still  fur- 
ther, like  a  wave  withdrawing  from  a  beach ;  but  suddenly  the  tide 
turned,  it  rolled  in,  and  towering  higher  and  prouder,  broke  over  us 
in  triumphs. 

The  peace  of  1783  had  been  extorted  by  the  necessities  rather  than 
obtained  by  the  good  wiU  of  England.  Though,  by  a  formal  treaty, 
the  United  States  were  declared  free  and  independent,  they  were  still 
hated  in  Great  Britain  as  rebellious  colonies.  That  such  was  the 
general  opinion  is  manifest  from  the  letters  of  John  Adams,  our  first 
minister  to  the  court  of  St.  James,  and  from  other  authentic  cotem- 
porary  accounts.  Of  course  there  were  a  few  men  of  sufficiently  en- 
larged and  comprehensive  minds  to  forget  the  past,  and  urge,  even 
in  parliament,  that  the  trade  of  America  would  be  more  valuable  as 
an  ally  than  a  dependent.  But  the  number  of  these  was  small  in- 
deed. The  common  sentiment  in  England  towards  the  young  repub- 
lic was  one  of  scornful  detestation.  We  were  despised  as  provin- 
cials, we  were  hated  as  rebels.  In  the  permanency  of  our  institutions 
there  was  scarcely  a  believer  in  all  Britain.  This  was  especially  the 
case  prior  to  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  Both  in  par- 
liament and  out,  it  was  publicly  boasted  that  the  Union  would  soon 
fall  to  pieces,  and  that,  finding  their  inability  to  govern  themselves, 
the  different  states  would,  one  by  one,  supplicate  to  be  received  back 
as  colonies.  This  vain  and  empty  expectation  long  lingered  in  the 


ORIGIN   OP    THE    WAR.  19 

popular  mind,  and  was  not  wholly  eradicated  until  after  the  war  of 
1812. 

Hence  the  new  republic  was  treated  with  arrogant  contempt.  One 
of  the  first  acts  of  John  Adams,  as  minister  to  England,  had  been  to 
propose  placing  the  navigation  and  trade  between  the  dominions 
of  Great  Britain  and  the  territories  of  the  United  States,  on  a  basis 
of  complete  reciprocity.  By  acceding  to  such  a  measure  England 
might  have  gained  much,  and  could  have  lost  but  little.  The  propo- 
sal was  rejected  almost  with  terms  of  insult,  and  Mr.  Adams 
told  "  that  no  other  would  be  entertained."  The  consequences  were 
that  the  free  negroes  of  Jamaica,  and  others  of  the  poorer  inhabitants 
of  the  British  West  India  Islands,  were  reduced  to  starvation  by  be- 
ing deprived  of  their  usual  supplies  from  the  United  States.  This 
policy  on  the  part  of  England  naturally  exasperated  the  Americans, 
and  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the  Federal  government  in  1789,  was  to 
adopt  retaliatory  measures.  A  navigation  law  was  passed,  which 
has  since  been  the  foundation  of  all  our  treaties  of  reciprocity  with 
England.  A  tariff  was  also  adopted  as  another  means  of  retaliation. 
We  have  lived  to  see  Great  Britain  become  the  first  to  tire  of  re- 
strictive measures,  and,  by  a  repeal  on  her  part,  invite  a  repeal  on 
ours. 

In  another  way  Great  Britain  exasperated  the  popular  feeling  hero 
against  her,  and  even  forced  the  American  government,  once  or  twice, 
to  the  verge  of  war.  By  the  treaty  of  peace,  all  military  posts  held 
by  England  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  were  to  be  given 
up  ;  yet  no  less  than  six  of  this  character,  Michilimackinac,  Detroit, 
Oswegotche,  Point  au  Fer,  and  Dutchman's  Point,  were  long  held  in 
defiance  of  the  compact.  These  posts  were  made  the  centres  of 
intrigue  among  the  savages  of  the  northwest.  Arms  were  here  dis- 
tributed to  the  Indians,  and  disturbances  on  our  frontier  fomented. 
The  war  on  the  Miami,  which  was  brought  to  a  bloody  close  by 
Wayne's  victory,  was  the  result  principally  of  such  secret  machina- 
tions. In  short,  England  regarded  the  treaty  of  1783  as  a  truce, 
rather  than  a  pacification,  and  long  held  to  the  hope  of  being  able 
yet  to  punish  the  revolted  colonies  for  their  rebellion.  In  two  celebra- 
ted letters  written  by  John  Adams  from  Great  Britain,  he  uses  the  fol- 
io wing  decided  language  in  reference  to  the  secret  designs  of  England : 
"  If  she  can  bind  Holland  in  her  shackles,  and  France  from  internal 
dissensions  is  unable  to  interfere,  she  will  make  war  immediately 
against  us."  This  was  in  1787.  Two  years  before,  he  had  expresed 
the  same  ideas.  "  Their  present  system,  as  far  as  I  can  penetrate  it," 
he  wrote,  « is  Jto  maintain  a  determined  peace  with  all  Europe,  in 


20  ORIGIN    OP    THE    WAR. 

order  tnat  they  may  war  singly  against  America,  if  they  should  think 
it  necessary."  A  sentiment  of  such  relentless  hostility,  which  no  at- 
tempt was  made  to  disguise,  but  which  was  even  arrogantly  paraded 
on  every  occasion,  could  not  fail  to  exasperate  those  feelings  of  dis- 
like on  the  part  of  America,  which  protracted  war  had  engendered. 
This  mutual  hatred  between  the  two  nations  arose  from  the  enmity  of 
the  people  father  than  of  the  cabinets.  "  There  is  too  much  reason  to 
believe,"  wrote  our  minister,  "  that  if  the  nation  had  another  hundred 
million  to  spend,  they  would  soon  force  the  ministry  into  a  war 
against  us."  On  the  side  of  the  United  States  it  required  all  the  pru- 
dence of  Washington,  sustained  by  his  hold  on  the  affections  of  the 
people,  to  restrain  them  from  a  war  with  England,  after  that  power 
had  refused  to  surrender  the  military  posts. 

A  third  element1  of  discord  arose  when  England  joined  the  coali- 
tion against  France  in  1793.  The  course  which  the  former  had  pur- 
sued for  the  preceding  ten  years,  had,  as  we  have  seen,  tended  to 
alienate  the  people  of  America  from  her,  and  nourish  sentiments  of 
hostility  in  their  bosoms.  On  the  other  hand,  France,  with  that  ad- 
dress for  which  she  is  eminent,  had  labored  to  heighten  the  good  feel- 
iogs  already  existing  between  herself  and  the  United  States.  A  treaty 
of  alliance  and  commerce  bound  the  two  countries  ;  but  the  courteous 
demeanor  of  France  cemented  us  to  her  by  still  stronger  ties,  those 
of  the  popular  will.  When,  therefore,  the  revolution  broke  out  in 
Paris,  the  enthusiasm  of  America  towards  France  could  scarcely  be 
controlled.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that,  if  the  subsequent  excesses 
had  not  alarmed  all  prudent  friends  of  liberty,  the  people  of  this 
country  could  not  have  been  restrained  from  engaging  in  the  strug- 
gle between  France  and  England.  But  the  Reign  of  Terror,  backed 
by  the  insolence  of  Genet,  the  minister  of  the  French  republic,  and 
afterwards  by  the  exactions  of  the  Directory,  checked  the  headlong 
enthusiasm  that  otherwise  would  have  embroiled  us  in  the  terrible 
wars  of  that  period.  A  course  of  strict  neutrality  had  been  selected 
by  Washington,  as  that  which  was  most  proper  for  the  still  weak  con- 
federacy ;  and  every  day  produced  events  which  showed  the  wis- 
dom of  this  decision.  Neither  Great  Britain  nor  France,  however, 
was  gratified  by  this  neutrality.  Each  nation  wished  to  embark  us 
on  their  side  ;  and  both  grew  arrogant  and  insulting  as  they  found 
our  resolution  was  not  to  be  broken.  Napoleon,  on  the  part  of 
France,  saw  the  impolicy  of  such  treatment,  and  when  he  became 
First  Consul,  hastened  to  abandon  it.  But  England  relaxed  nothing, 
or  little.  Circumstances,  moreover,  made  her  conduct  practically 
more  irritating  than  that  of  France  ;  and  hence  prolonged  and  in- 


ORIGIN    OF    THE    WAR.  21 

creased  the  exasperation  felt  toward  her  in  America.  We  allude  to 
the  restrictions  attempted  to  be  placed  on  our  commerce,  and  to  the 
practice  of  impressing  seamen  found  on  board  vessels  sailing  under 
the  flag  of  the  United  States. 

As  a  great  naval  power,  the  policy  of  England  has  been  to  main- 
tain certain  maritime  laws,  which  her  jurists  claim  to  be  part  of  the 
code  of  nations,  and  enforce  in  her  admiralty  courts.  One  principle 
of  these  laws  is  this,  that  warlike  munitions  become  contraband  in  war; 
in  other  words  that  a  neutral  vessel  cannot  carry  such  into  the  ene- 
my's ports.  Hence,  if  a  vessel,  sailing  under  the  flag  of  the  United 
States,  should  be  captured  on  the  high  seas,  bound  for  France,  dur- 
ing the  prevalence  of  a  war  between  that  power  and  England,  and 
be  found  to  be  laden  with  ship-timber,  gunpowder,  or  other  manufac- 
tured or  unmanufactured  articles  for  warlike  purposes,  the  vessel 
would,  by  the  law  of  nations,  become  a  prize  to  the  captors.  The 
right  to  condemn  a  ship  carrying  such  contraband  goods,  has  always 
been  recognized  by  civilized  nations,  and  indeed  is  founded  in  com- 
mon justice.  But  England  having  supreme  control  at  sea,  and 
being  tempted  by  the  hope  of  destroying  the  sinews  of  her  adversa- 
ry's strength,  resolved  to  stretch  this  rule  so  as  to  embrace  provisions, 
as  well  as  munitions  of  war.  She  proceeded,  however,  gradually  to 
her  point.  She  first  issued  an  order,  on  the  8th  of  June,  1793,  for 
capturing  and  bringing  into  port "  all  vessels  laden,  wholly  or  in  part, 
with  corn,  flour,  or  meal,  and  destined  to  France,  or  to  other  coun- 
tries, if  occupied  by  the  arms  of  that  nation."  Such  vessels  indeed 
were  not  to  be  condemned,  nor  their  cargoes  seized ;  but  the  latter 
were  to  be  purchased  on  behalf  of  the  English  government ;  or  if 
not,  then  the  vessels,  on  giving  due  security,  were  to  be  allowed  to 
proceed  to  any  neutral  port.  Of  course  the  price  of  provisions  in 
France  and  in  England  was  materially  different,  and  a  lucrative 
traffic  for  the  United  States  was,  in  this  way,  destroyed.  Moreover, 
this  proceeding  was  a  comparative  novelty  in  the  law  of  nations, 
and  however  it  might  suit  the  purposes  of  Great  Britain,  was  a  gross 
outrage  on  America.  In  November  of  the  same  year  it  was  follow- 
ed by  a  still  more  glaring  iufraction  of  the  rights  of  neutrals,  in  an 
order,  condemning  to  "  capture  and  adjudication  all  vessels  laden 
with  the  produce  of  any  French  colony,  or  with  supplies  for  such  co- 
lony." The  fermentation  in  consequence  of  this  order  rose  to  such 
a  height  in  America  that  it  required  all  the  skill  of  Washington  to 
avert  a  war.  The  President,  however,  determining  to  preserve 
jjeace  if  possible,  despatched  Jay  to  London  as  a  Minister  Plenipo- 
tentiary, by  \srhose  frank  explanations  redress  was  obtained  in  a  mea 


22  ORIGIN    OP    THE    WAR. 

sure  for  the  past,  and  a  treaty  negotiated ;  not  indeed  adequate  to  jus 
tice,  but  better  than  could  be  obtained  again,  when  it  expired  in 
1S06. 

But  the  relaxation  in  the  rigor  of  the  order  of  November,  1793. 
soon  proved  to  be  more  nominal  than  real ;  and  from  1794  until  the 
peace  of  Amiens  in  1802,  the  commerce  of  the  United  States  conti- 
nued to  be  the  prey  of  British  cruizers  and  privateers.  After  the  re- 
newal of  the  war,  the  fury  of  the  belligerants  increased,  and  with  it 
the  stringent  measures  adopted  by  Napoleon  and  Great  Britain.  The 
French  Emperor,  boldly  avowing  his  intention  to  crush  England, 
forbade  by  a  series  of  decrees,  issued  from  Berlin,  Milan,  and  Ram- 
bouiliet,  the  importation  of  her  commodities  into  any  port  of  Europe 
under  his  control ;  and  England,  equally  sweeping  in  her  acts,  de- 
clared all  such  ports  in  a  state  of  blockade,  thus  rendering  any  neu- 
tral vessel  liable  to  capture,  which  should  attempt  to  enter  them. 
The  legality  of  a  blockade  where  there  is  not  a  naval  power  off 
the  coast  competent  to  maintain  such  blockade,  has  always  been  de- 
nied by  the  lesser  maritime  powers.  Its  effect,  in  the  present  in- 
stance, was  virtually  to  exclude  the  United  States  from  foreign  com- 
merce. In  these  extreme  measures  Napoleon  and  England  were 
equally  to  be  censured  ;  but  the  policy  of  the  former  did  not  affect 
us,  while  that  of  the  latter  did.  Hence  the  exasperation  against  the 
one  was  extreme,  and  pervaded  the  whole  community  ;  that  against 
the  other  was  slighter,  and  confined  only  to  the  more  intelligent.  In 
point  of  time,  Napoleon  was  the  first  to  begin  these  outrages  on  the 
rights  of  neutrals;  but  his  injustice  was  practically  felt  only  on 
land ;  while  England  was  the  first  to  introduce  the  paper  blockade, 
a  measure  ruinous  to  American  merchants.  This  was  done  finally 
on  the  16th  of  May,  1806,  when  Great  Britain  announced  a  "block- 
ade of  the  coast,  rivers  and  ports,  from  the  river  Elbe  to  the  port  of 
Brest,  inclusive."  On  the  21st  of  November,  of  the  same  year,  Na- 
poleon, in  retaliation,  issued  a  decree  from  Berlin,  placing  the  British 
islands  in  a  state  of  blockade.  This  decree  was  followed  by  a  still 
more  stringent  order  in  council  on  the  part  of  England. 

It  now  became  necessary  for  the  United  States,  either  to  embark 
in  a  war  or  to  withdraw  her  commerce  altogether  from  the  ocean. 
The  popular  voice  demanded  the  former  course.  Though  France, 
in  the  abstract,  was  as  unjust  as  England,  her  oppressive  measures 
did  not,  as  we  have  said,  affect  America,  and  hence  the  indignation 
of  the  people  was  directed  principally  against  Great  Britain.  But 
with  the  President  it  was  different.  Though  the  sympathies  of  Jef- 
ferson were  all  with  France,  his  judgment  was  against  her  as  well  as 


ORIGIN    OP    THE    WAR.  23 

England.  Besides  he  was  determined  to  preserve  peace  at  all  hazards, 
for  it  was  his  favorite  maxim  that  the  best  war  is  more  fatal  than 
the  worst  peace.  A  further  reason  led  him  to  refuse  the  alternative 
of  war.  He  was  not  without  hope  that  one  or  both  of  the  bellige- 
rants  would  return  to  reason,  and  repeal  their  obnoxious  acts,  if  the 
conduct  of  the  United  States,  instead  of  being  aggressive,  should  be 
patient.  Actuated  by  these  views,  the  President  recommended  to 
Congress  the  passage  of  an  embargo  act.  This  law  passed  in  Decem- 
ber, 1807.  By  it  ail  American  vessels  abroad  were  called  home, 
and  those  in  the  United  States  prohibited  from  leaving  port.  In  con- 
sequence of  this  measure,  the  commerce  of  the  country  was  annihi- 
lated in  an  hour ;  and  harbors,  once  flourishing,  became  soon  only 
receptacles  for  rotting  ships.  There  can  be  no  question  now  that  the 
embargo  was  a  fatal  blunder.  It  crippled  our  resources  for  the  war 
that  ensued  ;  made  the  eastern  states  bitterly  hostile  to  Jefferson's,  as 
well  as  to  his  successor's  administration  ;  and  tended  to  foster  in  the 
minds  of  the  populace  at  large,  an  idea  that  we  shrank  from  a  con- 
test with  Great  Britain  in  consequence  of  inherent  weakness. 

But  there  was  a  fourth  and  last  source  of  exasperation  against 
England,  which  assisted,  more  than  all  the  rest,  to  produce  the  war 
of  1812.  We  allude  to  the  British  claim  of  the  right  of  impressment. 
In  the  terrible  struggles  in  which  England  found  herself  engaged 
with  France,  her  maritime  force  was  her  chief  dependence,  and 
accordingly  she  increased  the  number  of  her  ships  unprecedent- 
edly.  But  it  soon  became  difficult  to  man  all  these  vessels.  The 
thriving  commerce  pursued  by  the  United  States,  as  early  as  1793, 
drew  large  numbers  of  English  seamen  into  our  mercantile  marine, 
where  they  obtained  higher  wages  than  in  the  navy  at  home.  Great 
Britain  saw  this,  and  resolved  to  apply  a  remedy.  By  the  fiction  of 
her  law,  a  man  born  an  English  subject  can  never  throw  off  his  al- 
legiance. She  determined  accordingly  to  seize  her  seamen  wherever 
found,  and  force  them  to  serve  their  native  flag.  In  consequence  her 
cruizers  stopped  every  American  vessel  they  met,  and  searched  the 
crew  in  order  to  reclaim  the  English,  Scotch,  or  Irish  on  board.  Fre- 
quently it  happened  that  persons  born  in  America  were  taken  as 
British  subjects ;  for  where  the  boarding  officer  was  the  judge  of  a 
man's  nationality,  there  was  little  chance  of  justice,  especially  if  the 
seaman  was  a  promising  one,  or  the  officer's  ship  was  short-handed. 
In  nine  months,  during  parts  of  the  years  1796  and  1797,  the  Ame. 
rican  minister  at  the  court  of  London  had  made  application  for  the 
discharge  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-one  native  born  Americans, 
proved  to  haye  been  vJius  impressed.  These  outrages  against  personal 


24  ORIGIN    OF    THE    WAR. 

independence  were  regarded  among  the  people  of  America  with  the 
utmost  indignation.  There  was  something  in  such  injuries  to  exas- 
perate every  sentiment  of  the  soul.  That  an  innocent  man,  peaca- 
bly  pursuing  an  honorable  vocation,  should  be  forcibly  carried  on 
board  a  British  man-of-war,  and  there  compelled  to  remain,  shut  out 
from  all  hope  of  ever  seeing  his  family,  seemed,  to  the  robust  sense 
of  justice  in  the  popular  breast,  little  better  than  Algerine  bondage. 
The  rage  of  the  people  was  increased  by  tales  of  horror  and  aggres- 
sion that  occasionally  reached  their  ears  from  these  prison  ships. 
Stories  were  told  of  men  who  had  escaped,  and  being  captured  and 
taken  back,  were  whipped  until  they  died.  In  one  instance,  it  waa 
said  that  a  sailor,  goaded  to  madness,  had  seized  the  captain,  and 
springing  overboard,  been  drowned  with  his  oppressor.  Whether 
true  or  not,  this  and  other  narratives  as  horrible,  were  freely  dissem- 
inated, and  tended,  at  last,  to  raise  the  popular  feeling  to  a  pitch  of 
inconceivable  exasperation. 

Every  attempt  to  arrange  this  difficulty  with  England  had  signal- 
ly failed.  The  United  States  offered  that  all  American  seamen  should 
be  registered  and  provided  with  a  certificate  of  citizenship  ;  that  the 
number  of  a  crew  should  be  limited  by  the  tonnage  of  the  ship,  and 
that  if  this  number  was  exceeded,  British  subjects  enlisted  should  be 
liable  to  impressment ;  that  deserters  should  be  given  up  ;  and  that 
a  prohibition  should  be  issued  by  each  party  against  clandestinely 
secreting  and  carrying  off  the  seamen  of  the  other.  In  1800,  and 
again  in  1806,  it  was  attempted  to  form  treaties  in  reference  to  this 
subject ;  but  the  pertinacity  with  which  England  adhered  to  her 
claim  frustrated  these  efforts.  In  1S03  the  difficulty  had  nearly  been 
adjusted  by  a  convention,  for  Great  Britain  offered  to  abandon  her 
claim  to  impressment  on  the  high  seas,  if  allowed  to  retain  it  on  the 
narrow  seas,  or  those  immediately  surrounding  her  island.  But,  this 
being  rejected  as  inadmissible  by  the  United  States,  all  subsequent 
efforts  at  an  arrangement  proved  abortive.  The  impressment  of 
seamen  continued,  and  was  the  source  of  daily  increasing  abuse. 
Not  only  Americans,  but  Danes,  Swedes,  Germans, Russians,  French- 
men, Spaniards  and  Portuguese  were  seized  and  forcibly  carried  off 
by  British  men-of-war.  There  are  even  well  attested  instances  of 
Asiatics  and  Africans  being  thus  impressed.  In  short,  as  the  war  in 
Europe  approached  its  climax,  seamen  became  more  scarce  in  the 
British  navy,  and  all  decency  being  thrown  off,  crews  were  filled  up 
under  color  of  this  claim,  regardless  even  of  the  shew  of  justice.  In 
1811,  it  was  computed  that  the  number  of  men  impressed  from  the 
American  marine  amounted  to  not  less  than  six  thousand. 


ORIGIN    OP    THE    WAR. 


25 


At  last  the  arrogance  of  the  British  naval  officers  rose  to  such  an 
extreme,  that  one  of  our  national  vessels,  the  frigate  Chesapeake, 
was  forcibly  boarded  and  several  men  impressed  from  her  decks. 
The  circumstances  were  these.  In  the  spring  of  1807.  the  British 
Consul  at  Norfolk  sent  to  Captain  Decatur,  requiring  him  to  surren- 
der three  seamen  who  had  deserted  from  the  English  ship  Melam- 
pus,  and  enlisted  in  the  navy  of  the  United  States.  The  demand  was 
refused,  the  men  being  found,  on  enquiry,  to  be  citizens  of  the  Uni- 
ted States.  Subsequently,  the  American  frigate  Chesapeake  sailed 
with  these  men  on  board,  but  was  pursued  by  the  British  ship  Leo- 
pard, fired  into,  and  when  she  hauled  down  her  flag,  boarded,  and 
the  three  men,  together  with  another,  taken  from  her  deck.  The 
Chesapeake  was  in  no  condition  to  resist,  having  gone  to  sea  with- 
out suitable  preparation,  and  the  only  gun  discharged  from  her  was 
fired  by  a  coal  brought  from  the  galley.  Before  she  struck,  three  of 
her  men  were  killed  and  eighteen  wounded.  The  news  of  this  out- 


THB  CHESA.FEAKK   AITD    LEOPAKD. 


rage  excited  universal  resentment  in  the  United  States.  The  Presi 
dent  issued  a  proclamation  forbidding  all  communication  with  Bri 
ish  armed  vessels,  unless  in  distress,  or  bearing  despatches  ;  and  in 
terdicting  Britjch  vessels  from  the  harbors  and  waters  of  the  United 
in 


26  ORIGIN    OF    THE    WAR. 

States.  One  hundred  thousand  men  were  ordered  to  hold  themselves 
in  readiness  for  war,  and  a  special  session  of  Congress  was  called  to 
meet  on  the  26th  of  October.  Meantime,  however,  the  outrage  was 
disavowed  by  the  British  government,  and  here  the  difficulty  was 
allowed  to  rest.  But  it  was  subsequently  noticed  that  the  offenders, 
instead  of  being  censured  in  England,  were  treated  with  undiminish- 
ed  favor  by  their  government ;  and  this,  sinking  deep  into  the  po- 
pular mind  in  America,  created  general  exasperation,  and  increased 
the  prevailing  distrust  in  Great  Britain.  Already  the  people  were 
prepared  for  war ;  it  was  only  the  government  that  held  back. 
There  was  no  period,  from  1807  to  1812,  when  a  declaration  of  war 
would  not  have  been  received  with  favor  by  the  community  at 
large ;  and  there  were  moments  during  that  interval,  when  such  a 
declaration  would,  perhaps,  have  been  more  generally  popular  than 
it  was  in  1812.  This  is  especially  true  of  the  period  between  the 
outrage  on  the  Chesapeake  and  the  passage  of  the  embargo  act. 

Having  thus  traced  the  growth  of  that  popular  sentiment  which 
rendered  war,  sooner  or  later  inevitable,  let  us  proceed  to  enquire 
into  the  manner  in  which  it  was  at  last  brought  about.  For  there 
is  a  wide  distinction  between  the  real  and  ostensible  causes  of  a  war, 
it  being  a  rare  thing  for  national  contests  to  be  undertaken  without 
deeper  reasons  than  are  apparent  on  the  surface.  Thus,  the  peace 
of  Amiens  was  broken,  for  the  pretext  that  the  British  refused  to 
evacuate  Malta ;  the  war  was,  in  truth,  renewed  because  Napoleon 
and  England  were  filled  with  mutual  distrust.  So,  the  usual 
reasons  given  for  the  war  of  1812,  are  comparatively  weak,  far 
weaker  than  those  which  could  have  been  urged  in  favor  of  a  war 
in  1807.  The  real  secret  was,  that  the  people  wanted  a  war,  and 
would  not  longer  be  denied.  In  1815,  when  the  popular  indignation 
had  vented  itself,  peace  was  as  welcome  as  war  had  been  three  years 
before.  It  has  been  thought  strange  that  the  treaty  of  Ghent  over- 
looked some  of  the  points,  to  obtain  which  the  war  was  expressly 
undertaken ;  but  this  view  of  the  case  explains  the  mystery.  The 
practical  result  of  the  contest  had  been  to  teach  England  respect  for 
the  United  States ;  to  break  the  charm  of  her  naval  invincibility ; 
and  virtually  to  protect  our  seamen,  in  future,  from  impressment.  The 
popular  will  was  satisfied  by  the  victories  of  Hull,  Decatur  and  Stew- 
art, at  sea ;  and  by  those  of  Chippewa,  the  Thames  and  New  Orleans, 
on  land.  The  people  looked  less  at  the  treaty,  than  at  these  triumphs. 

Meantime,  we  return  to  the  thread  of  events.  In  December,  1807, 
as  already  stated,  the  embargo  act  was  passed.  But  the  pressure  of 
this  law  was  found  to  be  so  severe  on  all  classes  of  the  community, 
that,  in  March,  1809,  it  was  repealed,  and  a  non-importation  act  as 


ORIGIN    OP    THE    WAR.  2" 

to  England  and  France,  substituted.  By  this  new  law,  all  voyages  to 
the  French  arid  British  dominions  were  prohibited,  and  all  trade  in 
articles  of  British  and  French  product  or  manufacture  :  and  power 
was  vested  in  the  President,  in  case  either  or  both  of  the  belligerants 
should  revoke  their  edicts,  so  as  no  longer  to  violate  the  neutral  com- 
merce of  the  United  States,  to  issue  a  proclamation  repealing  the  pro- 
visions of  the  new  importation  act  as  to  one,  or  both.  In  conse- 
quence of  this,  France  on  the  1st  of  November,  1810,  exempted  the 
United  States  from  the  operation  of  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees. 
England,  however,  still  refused  to  repeal  her  orders  in  council,  alle- 
ging that  France  must  first  revoke  her  edicts  absolutely.  To  this  the 
American  government  replied  that  it  had  no  right  to  dictate  to  Na- 
poleon what  his  conduct  to  other  nations  should  be,  and  that,  since 
he  had  offered  justice  to  the  United  States,  there  was  no  further  cause 
of  complaint  against  him  on  her  part.  The  3rd  of  March,  1811,  had 
been  fixed  as  the  limit  of  time,  at  which  the  beliigerants  were  to  re- 
voke their  aggressive  laws,  or  take  the  chances  of  a  war ;  but  anxious 
to  preserve  peace,  Mr.  Madison  procured  the  passage  of  an  act,  by 
which  Great  Britain  was  allowed  a  further  period  of  delay.  This 
last  act  of  conciliation  proved  as  useless  as  preceding  ones,  and  the 
American  government  began  finally  to  despair.  Had  its  patience, 
however,  continued  for  a  few  months  longer,  the  war  might  have 
been  averted,  at  least  for  a  time.  But  an  incident  occurred  at  this 
crisis,  which,  by  giving  a  new  impetus  to  the  popular  rage,  hurried 
the  cabinet  into  hostilities,  at  the  very  moment  when  England  was 
about  to  relax  her  orders.  We  allude  to  the  discovery  of  an  intrigue 
for  the  separation  of  the  New  England  States  from  the  Union,  car- 
ried on  by  an  Englishman,  named  John  Henry,  professing  to  be 
a  secret  agent  of  Great  Britain. 

This  individual  had  been  employed  in  1809,  by  Sir  James  Craig, 
Governor-General  of  Canada.  He  had  visited  Boston,  where  he 
moved  in  the  best  circles,  and  was  known  for  his  quiet  and  gentle- 
manly, but  reserved  demeanor.  In  February,  1812,  he  communi- 
cated to  the  President  of  the  United  States  the  nature  of  his  mission, 
in  consideration  of  receiving  for  the  disclosure,  the  sum  of  fifty 
thousand  dollars,  from  the  secret  service  fund.  The  money  was 
paid,  the  papers  received  by  Mr.  Madison,  and  then  Henry,  before 
the  documents  were  published,  sailed  for  Europe.  His  papers 
proved  that  the  Governor-General  of  Canada,  misled  by  the  opposi- 
tion of  a  portion  of  the  New  England  States  to  the  measures  of  the 
general  government,  had  conceived  that  a  dissolution  of  the  Union 
was  at  hand  f'and  had  sent  Henry  to  Boston  to  aspertain  how  far,  in 
such  an  event,  England  would  be  looked  to  for  aid,  and  to  what  ex- 


*8  ORIGIN    OF    THE    WAR. 

tent  the  withdrawing  states  would  enter  into  connexion  with  her 
This  idea  of  a  dissolution,  regarded  as  so  visionary  in  the  United 
States,  had,  as  we  have  seen,  long  been  a  favorite  one  in  England, 
Henry  soon  found,  however,  that  a  separation  from  the  Union  was 
not  the  intention  of  New  England.  On  his  return  to  Canada,  Sir 
James  Craig  refused  to  remunerate  him.  Henry  accordingly  be- 
trayed his  employers,  and  sold  his  information  to  Mr.  Madison.  It 
has  been  urged  that  his  conduct  destroyed  the  validity  of  his  testi- 
mony ;  and  there  is  some  force  in  the  argument ;  but,  on  the  whole,  there 
appears  no  good  reason  to  doubt  the  fact  of  his  mission,  or  its  purport. 

The  nation,  on  learning  this  intrigue,  became  doubly  exasperated 
against  England ;  and  loudly  demanded  war.  The  great  commer- 
cial cities,  the  Middle  States,  and  the  West,  were  foremost  in  this 
burst  of  mingled  enthusiasm,  passion  and  patriotism.  The  New 
England  States,  however,  resisted  the  torrent.  But  the  majority 
of  the  people  were  no  longer  to  be  denied  the  revenge  for  which 
they  had  so  long  thirsted.  Beyond  the  Alleghanies  the  sentiment  in 
favor  of  the  war  was  universal.  This  was,  in  part,  the  result  of  the 
threatening  aspect  of  the  Indians,  who  were  believed  to  have  been 
secretly  instigated  to  hostility  by  the  British.  While  the  public  feel- 
ing was  in  this  excited  condition,  despatches  were  received  from 
Europe,  announcing  the  continued  refusal  of  England  to  revoke  her 
edicts.  The  President  immediately  acquainted  Congress  with  this 
fact,  and  that  body,  after  an  animated  debate,  declared  war  against 
the  united  kingdoms  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland.  The  bill,  declar- 
ing war,  passed  the  House  of  Representatives,  on  the  4th  of  June, 
1812,  by  a  majority  of  thirty  in  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  votes. 
In  the  Senate  nineteen  voted  for  it,  and  thirteen  against  it.  On  the 
18th  of  June,  it  was  signed  by  the  President ;  and  on  the  19th  pub- 
licly proclaimed.  Four  days  later,  the  British  ministry  withdrew 
conditionally  their  objectionable  orders  in  council,  of  January,  1807, 
and  April,  1809.  But,  when  the  news  of  this  event  reached  America, 
hostilities  had  already  begun.  The  peace  offering  had  come  too  late. 

The  army  with  which  Congress  proposed  to  begin  this  war, 
amounted,  on  paper,  to  thirty-five  thousand  men :  but  as  twenty-five 
thousand  of  this  number  had  been  authorized  only  in  January,  the 
real  force  enrolled  was  probably  less  than  fifteen  thousand.  The 
services  of  fifty  thousand  volunteers,  in  addition,  however,  were  or- 
dered to  be  accepted ;  and  the  President  was  empowered  to  call  on 
the  States  for  militia  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  thousand,  if 
necessary.  In  all  these  preparations  the  force  was  more  apparent  than 
real :  and  sagacious  minds  foresaw  that,  until  a  large  disciplined 
army  was  in  the  field,  defeat  would  probably  be  our  portion  ! 


BA.TTLB    OF   TIPPECANOB. 


BOOK  II. 


TO  THE  SPRING  OT  THE  TEAR  1814. 

HE  war  of  1812  was  preceded 
by  an  ominous  demonstration  on 
the  north-western  frontier.  Se- 
cretly instigated  by  the  English, 
the  savages,  as  early  as  1811, 
conceived  the  idea  of  forming  an  exten- 
sive league  to  crush  the  power  of  the  United 
States.  The  existence  of  some  such  hostile 
movement  became  suspected  by  the  admin- 
istration, in  consequence  of  the  murders  and 
other  outrages  perpetrated  by  the  Indians ;  and  accordingly  General 
William  Henry  Harrison,  at  that  time  Governor  of  the  territory  of 
Indiana,  was  ordered,  at  the  head  of  a  competent  force  of  regulars 
and  militia,  to  enter  the  hostile  country  and  obtain  redress  for  these 
injuries.  Harrjson  arrived  at  the  chief  town  of  the  enemy,  on  the 
in*  29 


30  BATTLE    OF    TIPPECANOE. 

6th  November,  1811.  Tecumseh,  the  leader  in  the  conspiracy,  was 
absent,  but  his  brother,  the  Prophet,  who  was  possessed  of  equal,  if 
not  superior  influence,  sent  messengers  to  meet  the  American  Gene- 
ral, and  promise  that,  on  the  ensuing  morning,  an  amicable  adjust- 
ment of  all  difficulties  should  be  made.  Harrison,  in  consequence, 
encamped  peaceably  for  the  night ;  but  aware  of  the  treachery  of  the 
Indian  character,  chose  the  strongest  position  afforded  by  the  neigh- 
borhood, and  ordered  his  men  to  rest  upon  their  arms.  These  pre- 
cautions alone  saved  him  from  massacre  ;  for  in  the  night  the  sav- 
ages assailed  him.  The  contest  was  long  and  bloody.  But  finally, 
discipline  triumphed,  and  the  Indians  were  repulsed.  The  loss  on 
both  sides  was  severe.  The  Americans  suffered,  in  killed  and 
wounded,  one  hundred  and  eighty-eight ;  the  enemy  one  hundred 
and  fifty.  On  the  9th  of  November,  Harrison  burned  the  village, 
and  devastated  the  surrounding  country,  after  which  he  returned 
home.  This  battle  is  known  as  that  of  Tippecanoe,  from  the  name 
of  the  Prophet's  town.  It  produced  such  a  wholesome  fear  of  the 
American  arms  that  the  Indians  in  the  vicinity  generally  sued  for 
peace. 

In  order  to  follow  up  this  blow  if  necessary,  the  government  raised 
an  army  and  placed  it  under  the  command  of  General  William  Hull, 
Governor  of  Michigan  territory.  The  probability  of  a  war  was  also 
considered  in  enlisting  this  force,  for  in  case  of  such  an  event,  the 
presence  of  an  army  in  the  north-west,  would  give  the  United  States 
the  opportunity  of  striking  the  first  blow.  Accordingly,  in  the  month 
of  April,  1812,  the  Governor  of  Ohio  was  ordered  by  the  President, 
to  call  out  twelve  hundred  men.  The  success  at  Tippecanoe,  and 
the  general  enthusiasm  for  a  war  promptly  filled  the  requisition. 
This  temporary  force  assembled  at  Dayton,  Ohio,  on  the  25th  of 
April,  1812.  Uniting  with  the  fourth  United  States  infantry,  and  por- 
tions of  other  regular  regiments,  the  whole  marched  upon  Detroit. 
The  little  army  was  compelled  to  traverse  a  dense  wilderness  for 
nearly  two  hundred  miles,  and  consequently  did  not  reach  its  desti- 
nation until  the  5th  of  July.  Meantime,  war  had  been  declared. 
But  by  some  unaccountable  mistake  in  the  department  at  Washing- 
ton, the  intelligence  was  allowed  to  reach  the  British  posts  in  the 
north-west,  before  it  was  transmitted  to  the  American  commander. 
This  oversight  led  to  the  capture  of  a  portion  of  Hull's  baggage, 
which  he  had  sent  by  water  to  Detroit,  without  a  sufficient  guard. 

On  the  12th  of  July  the  army  crossed  into  the  British  territory,  dis- 
cretionary powers  having  been  vested  in  Hull  to  invade  Canada  in 
the  event  of  a  war.  A  vaunting  proclamation  was  issued,  addressed 


THE    FALL    OP    MACKINAW.  31 

to  the  inhabitants,  many  of  whom,  in  consequence,  joined  the  inva- 
ders. Parties  were  now  sent  out  into  the  country,  which  was  found 
to  be  fertile  and  well  cultivated.  A  detachment,  under  Colonels  Cass 
and  Miller,  marched  towards  Maiden,  a  British  post,  situated  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Detroit  river  and  lake  Erie,  about  thirteen  miles 
from  Sandwich,  where  Hull  was  encamped.  The  enemy  was  met 
at  a  bridge  over  the  Canard  river  and  driven  in  confusion  back  on 
Maiden.  Had  Cass  and  Miller  been  supported,  the  fortress  must 
have  fallen,  for  it  was  in  no  condition  to  resist  a  vigorous  assault ; 
but  Hull  refused  to  sustain  his  subordinates,  and  the  reconnoitering 
party  was  withdrawn  to  the  camp. 

In  fact  Hull,  from  indecision  of  character,  was  unfitfor  his  command. 
After  he  had  made  his  first  vigorous  effort,  and  once  entered  Canada, 
he  sunk  into  idleness.  The  intelligence  of  the  fall  of  Mackinaw,  which 
was  surprised  by  the  er  ^my  on  the  17th  of  July,  filled  him  with  vague 
apprehensions,  which  were  increased  when  he  came  to  reflect  on  the 
distance  that  his  supplies  had  to  be  brought  from  Ohio,  and  the  dif- 
ficulty of  transportation.  A  detachment  of  hostile  Indians,  in  a  few 
days,  crossing  the  Detroit,  cut  off  the  communications ;  and  a  small 
force  sent  out  to  open  the  route,  was  surprised  and  defeated  by  the 
savages.  This  event  increased  the  alarm  of  Hull.  Stimulated  by 
his  younger  officers,  he  had  at  last  begun  his  preparations  for  an  ad- 
vance ;  but  now,  abandoning  all  present  thought  of  reducing  Mai- 
den, he  retreated  across  the  river,  and  established  himself  at  Detroit. 
This  WLS  on  the  Sth  of  August.  On  the  same  day  a  detachment,  six 
hundred  strong,  commanded  by  Colonel  Miller,  was  sent  to  open  the 
communications.  This  force  met  and  conquered  a  combined  body 
of  British  and  Indians,  with  a  loss  to  the  Americans  of  seventy,  that 
of  the  enemy  being  probably  a  hundred.  A  severe  storm  of  rain  and 
the  care  of  the  wounded  compelled  Colonel  Miller,  however,  to  re- 
turn subsequently  to  Detroit.  A  third  attempt  to  open  the  commu- 
nications was  made  on  the  14th  of  August,  by  a  body  of  three  hun- 
dred picked  men,  under  the  command  of  Colonels  Cass  and  M'Ar- 
thur ;  but  this  effort  proving  as  unsuccessful  as  the  former  ones,  the 
detachment  returned  to  camp,  two  days  later,  where  it  found,  to  the 
inconceivable  chagrin  of  its  officers  and  men,  that  Hull  had  surren- 
dered, and  that  it  was  included  in  the  capitulation. 

On  the  day  that  Cass  and  M' Arthur  had  left  Detroit,  the  British, 
who  had  advanced  as  Hull  retreated,  began  to  erect  batteries  on  the 
shore  at  Sandwich,  opposite  the  American  camp.  General  BrocK, 
who  commanded  the  enemy's  forces,  was  as  remarkable  for  energy  as 
Hull  for  inefficiency.  He  had  gained  a  thorough  insight,  moreover, 


32  SURRENDER    OF    DETROIT. 

into  the  character  of  his  adversary,  and  knew  the  American  leader 
to  be  possessed  with  a  secret  fear  of  the  British  invincibility.  Ac- 
cordingly, on  the  15th  of  of  August,  Brock  summoned  Hull  to  sur- 
render, intimating  that,  in  the  event  of  a  refusal,  he  should  assault 
Detroit,  when  he  would  not  be  answerable  for  the  conduct  of  the  In- 
dians. Hull  at  first  rejected  the  proposal  of  a  capitulation  with 
scorn.  Brock  proceeded,  in  consequence,  to  open  his  batteries.  The 
bombardment  was  continued  until  towards  midnight,  and  resumed 
on  the  following'morning,  when  the  British,  with  their  savage  allies, 
were  seen  advancing  to  the  assault,  having  crossed  during  the  night. 
At  this  spectacle,  Hull's  resolution  deserted  him.  He  ordered  a 
white  flag  to  be  displayed,  and  a  parley  ensuing,  terms  of  capitula- 
tion were  speedily  arranged.  By  this  disgraceful  compact,  Fort  De- 
troit, with  its  garrison  and  all  the  public  stores  and  arms  were  sur- 
rendered. Even  the  detachment  of  M' Arthur  and  Cass  was  included 
in  the  arrangement.  The  volunteers  and  militia  were  allowed  to  re- 
turn home,  on  condition  of  not  serving  again  until  exchanged.  Thir- 
ty-three pieces  of  artillery  were  surrendered  on  this  occasion  ;  among 
them,  several  brass  pieces  captured  from  Burgoyne  in  the  war  of  In- 
dependence. Twenty-five  hundred  muskets  and  rifles  likewise  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  This  capitulation  was  received  with 
rage  when  announced  to  the  troops.  The  consternation  and  anger 
which  it  awakened  in  the  United  States  was  unparalleled.  Hull  was 
everywhere  accused  of  cowardice,  and,  in  some  quarters,  even  of 
treason.  On  his  exchange,  he  was  tried  by  a  court-martial,  found 
guilty  of  cowardice  and  conduct  unbecoming  an  officer,  and  sentenced 
to  be  shot.  But  in  consequence  of  his  age,  and  his  services  in  the 
Revolution,  he  was  recommended  to  the  mercy  of  the  President,  who, 
remitting  the  capital  punishment,  contented  himself  with  striking  the 
offender's  name  from  the  army  roll. 

The  weakness  of  Hull  had  been  penetrated  by  his  officers  long  be- 
fore the  surrender,  and  letters  were,  in  consequence,  despatched  to 
Governor  Meigs,  of  Ohio,  informing  him  of  the  suspicions  of  the  wri- 
ters, and  soliciting  reinforcements  to  open  the  communications.  A 
force  of  volunteers  was  promptly  called  out.  In  a  few  days  the  in- 
telligence of  the  loss  of  Detroit  arrived.  The  departure  of  the  troop ,s 
was  now  hastened,  and  Harrison,  created  for  the  purpose  a  Major- 
General  of  the  Kentucky  militia,  was  entrusted  with  the  command. 
His  troops  marched  from  Cincinnati,  on  the  29th  of  August,  their 
first  destination  being  the  relief  of  the  frontier  posts.  The  numbers 
of  his  army  were  about  twenty-five  hundred.  Halting  at  Piqua,  he 
proceeded  to  Fort  Wayne,  the  siege  of  which  by  the  Indians  was 


BURNING    OF    THE    INDIAN    VILLAGES.  33 

raised  on  his  approach.  He  already,  however,  began  to  feel  the 
want  of  supplies,  which,  having  to  be  transported  from  the  settled 
country  and  Cincinnati,  arrived  in  small  quantities  and  after  great 
delays.  Hence,  he  found  it  impossible  to  march  at  once  on  Detroit, 
as  had  been  originally  intended.  He  contented  himself,  therefore, 
with  sending  out  two  expeditions,  one  against  the  Miami  towns  on 
the  Wabash,  the  other  against  the  Potawatamie  villages  on  the  river 
St.  Joseph.  Both  incursions  were  successful.  Nine  villages  were 
burned,  and  all  the  standing  corn  destroyed ;  a  rigorous,  but  neces- 
sary measure,  since,  without  it,  the  hostile  Indians  could  not  have 
been  driven  from  a  neighborhood  so  dangerous  to  the  American 
army. 

Towards  the  close  of  September,  General  Winchester,  a  Brigadier 
in  the  army  of  the  United  States,  arrived  at  Fort  Wayne  with  rein- 
forcements, and  superseded  Harrison.  The  latter  was  on  his  return 
to  his  government  in  Indiana,  when  he  was  overtaken  by  an  express 
from  Washington,  assigning  to  him  the  chief  command  of  the  army. 
On  the  23d  of  September  he  reached  Fort  Wayne  again,  but  found 
that  Winchester  had  marched  to  Fort  Defiance,  the  preceding  day, 
with  two  thousand  men.  The  progress  of  Winchester  was  slow,  for 
his  route  lay  through  swamps,  or  impenetrable  thickets;  while  he  was 
compelled  to  move  with  great  caution,  clouds  of  hostile  Indians  hang- 
ing on  his  front.  In  fact,  a  detachment  of  four  hundred  British  re- 
gulars, attended  by  artillery,  arid  accompanied  by  more  than  a  thou- 
sand savages  had  been  advancing  to  attack  Fort  Wayne,  when, 
learning  Winchester's  approach,  it  thought  it  most  prudent  to  fall 
back  towards  the  Miami.  The  Americans  soon  began  to  feel  the 
want  of  provisions  ;  for  a  supply  despatched  down  the  river  Au 
Glaize  by  Harrison,  could  not  reach  Fort  Defiance  in  consequence  of 
the  vicinity  of  the  enemy.  At  last  the  sufferings  of  his  army  became 
so  extreme  that  Winchester  sent  back  an  escort,  who  succeeded  in 
bringing  up  supplies  on  pack  horses.  On  the  30th  of  September, 
his  troops  reached  Fort  Defiance,  which  the  enemy  abandoned  on 
his  approach. 

Three  days  afterwards,  Harrison  arrived;  but  remained  only 
twenty-four  hours,  returning  to  bring  up  the  residue  of  his  troops. 
He  now  proceeded  to  arrange  them  according  to  the  following  dispo- 
sition. General  Tupper,  with  a  regiment  of  regulars,  and  the  Ohio 
volunteers  and  militia,  was  placed  at  Fort  M'Arthur.  This  force 
constituted  the  centre  of  the  army.  The  left  wing  was  left  at  Fort 
Defiance,  under  Winchester.  The  right  wing,  composed  of  two  bri- 
gades of  militia,  one  from  Pennsylvania,  and  one  from  Virginia,  was 
S  5 


34  DEFENCE  OP  FORT  HARRISON. 

stationed  at  Sandusky.     The  army  had  left  Cincinnati,  fully  expect 
ing  to  strike  a  decisive  blow  before  winter,  but  this  the  want  of  sup 
plies  had  prevented.     With  the  exception  of  an  incursion  of  five 
days,  undertaken  by  General  Tupper  against  the  Rapids  of  the  Mi- 
ami, and  which  proved  eminently  successful,  no  further  movement 
was  made  during  the  fall.     Tupper,  after  defeating  the  savages  and 
British,  returned  to  Fort  M'Arthur ;  and  thus  ended  what  is  called 
Harrison's  first  autumnal  campaign. 

Meantime,  while  these  events  had  been  transacting  on  Lake  Erie, 
the  war  had  not  languished  in  Indiana  and  Illinois.     The  policy  of 
England  was  to  let  her  battles  be  fought  by  the  savages,  whom  she 
had  accordingly  supplied  with  arms,  and  instigated  to  take  up  the 
hatchet.     Hence  the  necessity,  during  the  first  two  campaigns,  of  so 
many  expeditions  against  the  Indians.     A  body  of  Kentucky  volun- 
teers, under  General  Hookins,  and  a  detachment  of  rangers,  under 
Colonel  Russell,  had  been  despatched  to  chastise  the  tribes  in  these 
two  territories  by  destroying  their  towns.     Their  first  destination, 
however,  was  the  relief  of  Fort  Harrison,  a  post  at  that  time  invest- 
ed by  the  savages.     The  commander  of  this  place  was  General  Tay- 
lor, then  a  young  officer,  holding  the  rank  of  Captain ;  but  his  con- 
duct, in  the  emergency,  evinced  all  those  heroic  traits  which  have 
since  shone  forth,  on  a  grander  scale,  at  Palo  Alto,  Monterey  and 
Buena  Vista.     Expecting  an  attack,  he  held  himself  hourly  in  readi- 
ness.    On  the  night  of  the  4th  of  September  the  anticipated  assault 
took  place.     The  Indians  succeeded  in  firing  a  block-house  contigu- 
ous to  the  barracks ;  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  the  latter  were 
preserved  from  the  flames.     Sending  a  detachment  to  the  roof  of  the 
barracks  to  tear  off  the  portion  adjoining  the  block-house,  while  a 
galling  fire  was  maintained  on  the  Indians  from  other  parts  of  the 
fort,  the  gallant  young  officer  finally  succeeded  in  preventing  the 
spreading  of  the  flames.     The  block-house,  however,  was  consumed, 
arid  thus  a  gap,  six  or  eight  feet  wide,  opened  into  the  fort.  But  this 
interval  was  speedily  barricaded,  and  the  savages  repulsed  in  an  at- 
tempt to  enter.    When  the  attack  had  continued  seven  hours,  and 
day  had  broken,  the  Indians  retired.     The  Americans  lost  but  three 
killed  and  three  wounded.     During  this  contest,  there  were  only  fif- 
teen effective  men  in  the  garrison,  the  rest  being  sick  or  convales- 
cent.    In  a  few  days  the  place  was  relieved  by  the  approach  of  Ge- 
neral Hopkins  at  the  head  of  four  thousand  men. 

Preparations  were  now  begun  to  fulfil  the  second  object  of  the  ex- 
pedition, an  attack  on  the  Peoria  villages.  But,  after  a  march  of 
four  days  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy,  the  spirit  of  insubordination 


MASSACRE    OF    THE    RIVER    RAISIN.  35 

among  the  volunteers  grew  to  such  a  pitch  that  the  General  thought 
it  advisable  not  to  proceed.  He  offered,  however,  to  pursue  the  en- 
terprise if  five  hundred  persons  could  be  found  to  attend  him.  But 
the  volunteers,  either  from  the  exhausted  state  of  their  horses,  their 
own  fears,  or  their  want  of  confidence  in  Hopkins,  decided  almost 
unanimously  to  return.  Accordingly  the  authority  of  the  General 
was  set  aside,  and  the  army  began  to  retrace  its  steps.  Meantime, 
however,  Colonel  Russel  had  marched  by  a  different  route  against 
the  savages  and  defeated  them.  Having  burned  their  towns  and 
destroyed  their  corn,  he  returned  to  the  settlements.  Another  de- 
tachment, led  by  Captain  Craig,penetrated  twenty  miles  further  than 
even  Russel.  In  November,  Hopkins,  at  the  head  of  twelve  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men,  undertook  a  more  successful  enterprise  against 
the  .villages  on  the  Wabash.  Colonel  Campbell,  in  December,  led  a 
similar  expedition,  and  with  like  success,  against  the  towns  on  the 
Mississinewa  river. 

Harrison  having  failed  in  his  autumnal  campaign,  determined  to 
resume  operations  in  the  winter.  Accordingly  he  directed  the  three 
divisions  of  his  army  to  rendezvous  at  the  rapids  of  the  Miami ;  there 
collect  provisions ;  and  making  a  feint  on  Detroit,  cross  the  strait  on 
the  ice  and  invest  Maiden.  General  Winchester  was  the  first  to  ar- 
rive at  the  rendezvous,  which  he  did  after  incredible  privations  on 
the  part  of  his  men.  But  he  had  scarcely  reached  the  rapids,  when, 
yielding  to  the  entreaties  of  the  citizens  of  Frenchtown  for  protection, 
he  detached  Colonel  Lewis  with  seven  hundred  and  fifty  men  to 
their  relief.  Lewis  met  and  defeated  a  body  of  British  and  their 
savage  allies.  The  news  of  this  success  transported  those  who  had 
been  left  behind ;  all  were  anxious  to  press  forward  and  secure  a 
portion  of  the  glory ;  and  accordingly,  Winchester,  with  the  remain- 
der, pushing  on  to  Frenchtown,  arrived  and  took  post  at  that  place 
on  the  20th  of  January,  1813.  The  fatal  error  of  thus  placing  him- 
self beyond  sustaining  distance  from  the  main  army,  was  exemplified 
the  next  day,  when  Proctor,  at  the  head  of  fifteen  hundred  British 
and  savages,  attacked  and  defeated  the  Americans.  Winchester 
was  taken  prisoner  early  in  the  action.  A  portion  of  his  troops  held 
out  for  some  time  longer,  but  finally  capitulated. 

Now  ensued  a  tragedy  the  remembrance  of  which  will  never  be 
effaced  from  the  popular  mind.  The  uninjured  Americans  were  im- 
mediately marched  towards  Maiden  by  their  captors.  The  wounded, 
however,  were  left  on  the  field,  but  with  the  understanding  that  they 
should  be  sent  for  the  next  day.  But  the  following  morning  the  In 
dians  broke  in  on  these  helpless  men,  and  after  murdering  them,  set 


36  BATTLE    OP  QT7EENSTOWN. 

fire  to  the  houses  where  they  lay.  This  atrocious  act  which  the  Bri 
tish  might  easily  have  prevented,  has  been  justly  called  the  massacre  o 
the  River  Raisin.  Harrison,  who  had  arrived  at  the  rapids,  hearing 
of  the  capture  of  Winchester,  deemed  it  advisable  to  retreat.  He 
accordingly  fell  back  to  Carrying  River,  about  midway  between  the 
Miami  and  Sandusky.  The  next  month,  however,  finding  that  Proc- 
tor made  no  attempt  at  pursuit,  he  advanced  again  to  the  rapids,  where 
he  began  the  construction  of  Fort  Meigs,  destined  to  be  subsequently 
celebrated  for  its  two  sieges.  Thus  ended  what  is  called  Harrison's 
winter  campaign.  It  was  quite  as  unfortunate  as  his  autumnal  one, 
and  did  little  or  nothing  towards  obliterating  the  disgrace  of  Hull's 
surrender. 

While  these  events  had  been  transacting  on  the  north-west  frontier, 
others  of  scarcely  less  importance  had  been  occurring  on  Lake  Onta- 
rio. Here  the  population  was  comparatively  dense.  The  govern- 
ment accordingly  looked  to  this  point  as  one  where  a  decisive  blow 
could  be  struck  against  the  enemy.  It  was  evidently  to  the  advan- 
tage of  the  United  States  that  the  war  should  be  waged  on  the  soil 
of  Canada,  and  hence  the  resolution  was  early  taken  to  invade  that 
territory.  The  American  forces,  guarding  the  northern  frontier,  were 
stationed  at  Plattsburgh,  Buffalo,  Sackett's  Harbor,  Black  Rock,  and 
Ogdensburg,  the  whole  under  the  supreme  command  of  Major-Gen- 
eral  Dearborn.  In  addition  to  the  regular  army,  however,  thus  dis- 
posed, the  militia  of  New  York,  thirty-five  hundred  in  number,  were 
in  the  field,  commanded  by  Major-General  Van  Rensselaer.  These 
were  posted  at  Lewistown.  General  Dearborn  was  ordered  early  in 
the  season  to  assail  the  British,  if  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  pre- 
vent their  sending  succor  to  Maiden.  The  summer,  however,  passed 
in  inactivity,  Dearborn  having,  notwithstanding  the  orders  from 
Washington,  concluded  an  armistice  with  the  Governor-General  of 
Canada,  based  on  a  mutual  belief  that  peace  was  at  hand,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  repeal  of  the  English  orders  in  council.  General  Van 
Rensselaer,  however,  was  disposed  to  be  more  active.  A  detach- 
ment of  Americans  having,  on  the  21st  of  September,  captured  a 
small  village  on  the  Canadian  side,  the  enemy  endeavored  to  reta- 
liate by  an  unsuccessful  expedition  against  Ogdensburg.  General 
Van  Rensselaer,  on  this  resolved  to  attack  Queenstown.  The  enter- 
prise was  undertaken  on  the  13th  of  October,  and  but  for  the  cow- 
ardice of  the  militia  would  have  resulted  in  a  brilliant  victory.  It 
was  on  this  occasion  that  General,  then  Colonel  Scott,  first  distin 
guished  himself. 

The  plan  of  the  attack  was  as  follows  : — a  corps  of  six  hundred 


BATTLE  OP    QT7EENSTOWN. 


37 


infantry,  half  of  which  were  militia  and  half  regulars,  was,  undef 
cover  of  night,  to  cross  the  Niagara  and  carry  the  batteries  by  assault. 
The  boats  collected  to  transport  the  men  proved  insufficient,  how- 
ever, and  only  a  portion  of  the  force  was  carried  over  to  the  British 
shore  in  time.  One  detachment,  attempting  to  cross,  was  forced  by 
the  current  under  the  guns  of  the  enemy,  and  most  of  it  captured. 
Meantime,  however,  Colonel  Van  Rensselaer,  who  led  the  pioneers, 
gallantly  advanced  on  the  foe  with  what  forces  he  had ;  but  being 


BATTLE  OF  QUEKNSTOWN. 

soon  wounded,  was  forced  to  leave  the  field.  The  Americans  dash- 
ed forward,  nevertheless,  and  seized  a  Height  called  the  Mountain, 
whither  they  dragged  an  eighteen  pounder  and  two  mortars.  The  Bri- 
tish now  fled  to  Queenstown.  Here  the  fugitives  were  met  and  ral- 
lied by  General  Brock,  who  led  them  back  to  dispossess  the  Ameri- 
cans of  the  height.  But  Brock  being  mortally  wounded,  the  British 
again  fled.  Some  accessions  of  force,  chiefly  militia,  under  General 
Wadsworth,  finally  made  their  appearance. 

At  this  crisis  Colonel  Scott  reached  the  field  of  battle  and  took 
command  of  the  United  States  troops,  now  reduced  to  about  two 
hundred^and  fifty.     Expecting  to  be  reinforced  from  Lewistown,  he 
tv 


3S  THE    CONSTITUTION    AND    THE    GUERRIERE. 

drew  up  his  men  close  to  the  ferry,  in  order  to  cover  that  important 
point.  Here  he  manfully"  stood  his  ground,  twice  repulsing  the  Bri- 
tish and  their  Indian  allies.  At  last,  Major-General  Sheaffe,  at  the 
head  of  the  neighboring  garrison  of  Fort  George,  which  had  been 
aroused  by  the  firing,  arrived  at  the  scene  of  contest.  His  forces 
numbered  eight  hundred  and  fifty.  All  hope  of  succor  from  the 
American  side  had  meantime  departed,  for  the  militia,  beholding 
the  numbers  of  the  British,  were  seized  with  alarm  and  refused  to  cross. 
Retreat  was  impossible,  the  boats  all  being  on  the  American  side. 
In  consequence,  after  some  desperate  efforts  at  resistance,  which 
proved  unavailing,  Scott  was  compelled  to  capitulate.  The  Ameri- 
cans suffered  in  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners,  one  thousand  men,  a 
half  of  whom  were  regulars.  The  British  loss  is  not  known,  though 
it  was  considerable.  General  Van  Rensselaer,  in  consequence  of 
this  failure,  shortly  after  resigned.  In  the  death  of  Brock,  the  ene- 
my experienced  a  blow  for  which  even  victory  could  afford  no  com- 
pensation. Brock  enjoyed  one  of  the  best  reputations  in  the  English 
army,  and  had  been  Wellington's  competitor,  a  few  years  before,  for 
the  command  in  the  peninsula.  A  sentiment  of  chivalrous  respect  in- 
duced the  Americans  to  fire  minute-guns  from  Fort  Niagara  during 
the  funeral  ceremonies  of  this  hero.  What  more  delightful  than  to 
record  acts  of  courtesy  like  this,  amid  the  forbidding  incidents  of  a 
sanguinary  war  ! 

Other  attempts  were  subsequently  made  to  invade  Canada  by  Ge- 
neral Smyth,  the  successor  of  Van  Rensselaer.  But  the  want  of  boats 
led  to  the  failure  of  these  projected  expeditions. ,  General  Dearborn, 
whose  head-quarters  were  at  Greenbush,  was  not  more  successful ; 
and,  though  in  command  of  a  respectable  force  of  regulars,  suffered 
the  autumn  to  pass  in  inactivity.  In  short,  so  complete  had  been  the 
failure  of  our  arms  on  land  in  this  campaign,  that  but  for  the  bril- 
liant success  that  attended  us  at  sea,  the  spirit  of  the  people  would, 
perhaps,  have  given  way.  But,  in  the  darkest  hour  of  disaster,  when 
the  surrender  of  Detroit  buried  the  nation  in  gloom,  the  victory  of 
the  Constitution  over  the  Guerriere,  suddenly  blazed  across  the  fir- 
mament, and  inspired  hope  and  exultation  in  every  bosom. 

On  the  declaration  of  war,  the  prowess  of  England  at  sea  was  re- 
garded as  so  invincible,  that  the  administration  hesitated  whether  to 
send  the  national  vessels  from  port.  The  American  navy,  in  1 8 1 2,  con- 
sisted of  ten  frigates,  of  which  five  were  laid  up  in  ordinary ;  ten 
sloops  and  smaller  vessels ;  and  one  hundred  and  sixty-five  useless 
gun  boats.  The  representations  of  a  few  officers,  however,  who 
were  confident  of  success,  induced  the  President  to  allow  a  portion  oi 


THE    CONSTITUTION    AND    THE    GTJERRIERE. 


39 


this  little  navy  to  sail.  One  of  the  first  of  our  frigates  to  leave  port  was 
the  Constitution.  This  vessel,  commanded  by  Captain  Isaac  Hull,  put 
to  sea  from  Annapolis,  on  the  12th  of  July,  1812,  bound  to  New 
York.  On  her  voyage,  however,  she  fell  in  with  a  British  fleet,  from 
which  she  only  escaped  by  incredible  exertions  of  seamanship 
and  skill.  Being  chased  from  her  route,  she  went  into  Boston  har- 
bor. By  this  accident  Hull  was  prevented  receiving  an  order  that  had 
been  despatched  to  New  York,  directing  him  to  give  up  the  command 
of  his  ship.  In  a  few  days  he  sailed  on  a  new  cruise.  On  the  19th 
of  August  he  met  the  Guerriere,  Captain  Dacres,  an  English  frigate 
of  slightly  inferior  force,  and,  after  a  sharp  conflict  of  half  an  hour, 
compelled  her  to  surrender.  The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  this  action 
was  seven  killed  and  seven  wounded ;  that  of  the  British  fifteen 
killed,  sixty -two  wounded,  and  twenty-four  missing.  The  Guerriere 
was  injured  so  materially  that  it  was  found  impossible  to  carry  her 
into  port,  and  accordingly  she  was  burned.  This  victory  is  attribu- 
ted in  part  to  the  heavier  metal  of  the  Constitution,  but  chiefly  to  the 
superior  gunnery  of  her  crew.  Its  effect  on  the  public  mind  was 
electric.  The  triumph  was  regarded  almost  as  a  miracle.  In  the 
general  exultation,  the  surrender  of  Detroit  was  almost  forgotten  j 


CONSTITUTION  AND  THE  GUERPJERE. 


and  the  spirits  of  the  people  were  rallied,  when  otherwise  they  migh 
nave  sunk  into  despair. 

The  insane  confidence  of  the  British  in  their  naval  superiority  had 
been  exhibited  a  few  days  before,  when  Captain  Porter,  in  the  Ame- 


40  AMERICAN    NAVAL    VICTORIES 

rican  frigate  Essex  had  been  attacked  by  the  British  sloop  of  war 
Alert,  a  vessel  of  very  inferior  force.  For  her  temerity,  however, 
the  Alert,  in  eight  minutes  had  suffered  so  much  from  the  fire  of  her 
enemy  as  to  have  seven  feet  of  water  in  her  hold.  She  surrendered 
of  necessity,  and  was  sent  into  New  York.  Other  victories  followed 
in  rapid  succession.  On  the  8th  of  October,  the  British  sloop  Fro- 


THE  CA.PTTES  OF  THE  FROLIC  BY  THB  WASP. 


lie,  of  twenty -two  guns,  was  captured  by  the  American  sloop  Wasp, 
Captain  Jones,  of  eighteen  guns.  Seven  days  afterwards  the  frigate 
llnited  States,  Captain  Decatur,  being  off  the  Western  Islands,  met 
the  British  frigate  Macedonian,  Captain  Garden,  and  forced  her  to  sur- 
render. The  loss  of  the  Macedonian  was  thirty-six  killed  and  sixty- 
eight  wounded ;  that  of  the  United  States  only  four  killed  and  seven 
wounded.  Decatur  carried  the  Macedonian  into  New  York.  On 
the  29th  of  December,  the  Constitution,  now  commanded  by  Captain 
Bainbridge,  fell  in  with,  and  captured  the  British  £:igate  Java,  Cap* 
tain  Lambert,  off  the  coast  of  Brazil ;  the  Java  losing  sixty  killed 
and  more  than  one  hundred  wounded,  while  the  less  on  board  the 
Constitution  was  but  nine  killed  and  twenty-five  wounded.  These 
series  of  successes  had  been  attended  with  but  few  reverses.  Only 
three  national  vessels  had  been  lost,  the  Wasp,  Vixen  and  Nautilus, 


CAPTURE    OF    YORKTOWN.  41 

of  which  the  first,  a  sloop  of  war,  was  the  largest.  All  of  these  ships, 
moreover,  had  surrendered  to  vastly  superior  forces.  In  addition  to 
the  victories  of  the  regular  marine,  almost  daily  triumphs  were 
achieved  by  the  American  privateers.  It  was  computed,  when  Con- 
gress met  in  November,  that  two  hundred  and  fifty  British  vessels 
had  already  fallen  a  prey  to  private  cruizers. 

These  successes  determined  the  government  to  decline  the  offer 
of  an  armistice,  tendered  by  Great  Britain,  unless  that  power  would 
abandon  her  claim  to  impressment.  The  English  Cabinet,  however, 
refused  to  yield  this  point,  and  preparations  were  in  consequence 
made  to  open  the  year  1813  with  renewed  activity.  Twenty  addi- 
tional regiments  of  infantry  were  ordered  to  be  raised,  and  ten  regi- 
ments of  rangers ;  while  the  greatest  inducements  were  held  out  to 
enlist.  It  was  resolved  also  to  increase  the  navy.  In  a  word,  though 
our  armies  on  land  had  met  with  almost  universal  defeat  in  1812,  it 
was  hoped  that  in  1813  they  would  be  attended  by  a  better  fortune  : 
and  accordingly,  a  new  plan  for  the  invasion  of  Canada  was  pro- 
jected, under  the  especial  direction  of  General  Armstrong,  the  succes- 
sor of  Dr.  Eustis,  as  Secretary  at  War. 

The  army  on  Lake  Ontario  was  still  commanded  by  General  Dear- 
born. The  plan  of  General  Armstrong,  as  communicated  to  this 
General  early  in  1813,  was  to  attack  the  British  posts  of  Kingston, 
York,  and  Fort  George,  in  succession — the  reduction  of  the  first 
being  considered  the  most  important,  and  therefore  to  be  under- 
taken as  a  preliminary.  General  Dearborn,  however,  after  consult- 
ing Commodore  Chauncey,  who  commanded  the  fleet  on  Lake  On- 
tario, resolved  to  begin  with  York.  Accordingly,  on  the  27th  of 
April,  the  fleet  arrived  off  that  place,  and  the  troops  being  landed, 
the  town  was  captured.  Owing  however  to  the  explosion  of  the 
British  fort,  General  Pike,  who  led  the  Americans,  was  killed,  while 
two  hundred  of  his  men  were  either  killed  or  wounded.  General 
Dearborn  having  remained  on  board  the  fleet,  and  the  officer  who  now 
succeeded  to  the  command,  being  without  orders,  most  of  the 
fruits  of  the  expedition  were  lost.  The  army  next  proceeded, 
though  not  until  after  various  delays,  to  attack  Fort  George.  On  the 
27th  of  May  that  place  was  assailed,  and  captured,  after  a  spir- 
ited resistance.  A  series  of  operations  in  the  open  field  now  ensued, 
which  were  attended  generally  with  disgrace  and  failure  to  the 
Americans ;  and,  in  the  end,  General  Dearborn  recalled  all  his  troops 
to  the  fort,  which  the  British  proceeded  to  invest. 

While  this  imbecile  campaign  was  dragging  along,  a  General 
born  of  the  people  blazed  suddenly  into  notoriety.  The  circumstance 
iv*S  6 


42  CAPTURE    OF    YORKTOWN. 

was  this:  On  the  27th  of  May,  an  attack  being  made  on  the 
American  post  at  Sackett's  Harbor,  General  Brown,  a  militia  officer 
of  that  neighborhood,  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  the  garrison, 
defeated  the  assailants.  The  gallantry  and  decision  of  Brown  in  this 
action,  appeared  the  more  conspicuous  in  contrast  with  the  taidiness 
and  want  of  ability  displayed  by  Dearborn.  The  latter  General  was 
old,  weak,  and  in  bad  health,  and  thus  unfit,  on  many  accounts,  for 
his  post.  At  last  the  public  indignation  rose  to  such  a  height,  that 
he  was  recalled,  and  General  Wilkinson  appointed  in  his  place. 

It  is  time  now  to  return  to  the  north-western  frontier,  where  we 
left  Harrison  engaged  in  the  construction  of  Fort  Meigs.  The  cam- 
paign of  1813  was  opened  in  this  quarter,  by  the  advance  of  Proctor 
against  that  post,  in  the  latter  part  of  April,  at  the  head  of  two 
thousand  British  and  Indians.  Harrison  being  in  hourly  expectation 
of  succor  from  Ohio,  gallantly  defended  the  place  until  the  fifth  of 
May,  when  General  Clay  arrived  with  the  expected  reinforcements. 
An  unsuccessful  attempt  was  now  made  to  raise  the  siege.  A  few  days 
later,  Proctor  finding  the  Indians  dissatisfied,  suddenly  abandoned 
the  enterprise,  and  embarking  his  artillery,  retired  towards  Maiden. 
On  the  20th  of  July  another  attempt  was  made  on  Fort  Meigs,  but 
after  eight  days,  the  siege  was  again  given  up.  The  enemy  then 
sailed  around  to  Sandusky  Bay,  in  order  to  capture  Fort  Stephen- 
son,  a  post  affording  an  inviting  opportunity  for  capture,  since  it 
was  garrisoned  by  only  one  hundred  and  fifty  men.  The  comman- 
der, however,  Major  Croghan,  was  a  young  man  of  spirit,  resolu- 
tion, and  ambition.  On  the  1st  of  August,  the  British  invested  the 
fort,  and  on  the  second,  after  a  heavy  cannonade,  advanced  to  as- 
sault it.  But  they  were  repulsed  with  such  terrible  loss,  that  they 
precipitately  raised  the  seige,  leaving  behind  their  wounded.  This 
gave  Harrison  an  opportunity  to  contrast  his  humanity  with  that  of 
Proctor.  By  the  orders  of  the  American  General,  the  wounded  Bri. 
tish  soldiers  were  treated  with  the  greatest  kindness,  an  eloquent  re- 
buke to  the  conduct  of  Proctor  at  the  Raisin,  where  his  negligence, 
if  not  his  consent,  led  to  the  massacre  of  the  Kentuckians.  The 
brilliant  defence  of  Fort  Sandusky,  in  conjunction  with  that  of 
Sackett's  Harbor,  assisted  to  rally  the  despondency  of  the  nation, 
and  prophetic  minds  saw  in  them,  forebodings  of  future  victories, 
which,  in  the  succeeding  year,  were  realized. 

From  the  period  of  his  winter  campaign  on  the  Raisin,  Harrison 
had  urged  upon  government  the  necessity  of  a  naval  force  on  Lake 
Erie.  He  asserted  that  half  the  money  expended  in  transporting 
supplies  to  the  army  as  was  necessary,  for  two  hundred  miles 


BATTLE    OP    LAKE    ERIE. 


43 


through  the  wilderness,  would  build  and  equip  a  fleet  which  would 
give  the  United  States  the  command  of  Lake  Erie ;  enable  supplies 
to  be  procured  at  comparatively  small  expense  ;  <md  transport  the 
army,  if  required,  in  a  few  hours  to  Canada.  These  views,  at  last, 
made  an  impression  on  the  President,  and  two  brigs,  and  several 
schooners  were  ordered  to  be  built  on  Lake  Erie.  This  fleet,  being 
completed  by  the  second  of  August,  was  entrusted  to  the  command 
of  Lieutenant  Oliver  Perry,  an  ardent,  brave,  and  skilful  young  offi- 
cer. He  immediately  set  sail  in  search  of  the  enemy.  He  found  the 
British  fleet  lying  in  the  harbor  of  Maiden ;  but  the  enemy  refusing 
to  come  out  and  engage,  Perry  retired.-  On  the  10th  of  September, 
the  English  squadron  left  its  post,  when  the  American  commander 
promptly  made  sail  to  give  battle.  A  change  of  wind  prevented  the 
enemy  from  declining  the  combat.  The  British  fleet  consisted  of 
six  vessels,  carrying  sixty -three  guns;  the  American,  of  nine  vessels, 


BATTL35  OW  LAKE  ERIX. 


carrying  fifty-four  guns.  The  English,  consequently,  were  rather 
superior.  The  action  was  warmly  contested,  and  once  nearly  won 
by  the  enemy ;  but  the  indomitable  spirit  of  Perry  was  not  to  be 
subdued ;  he  fought  on,  and  victory  finally  declared  for  him.  The 
loss  of  the  British  was  forty-one  killed,  and  ninety-four  wounded' 


44  BATTLE    OF    THE  THAMES. 

that  of  the  Americans,  twenty-seven  killed,  and  ninety-six  wounded 
By  this  victory,  one  of  the  most  glorious  in  the  annals  of  our  coun 
try,  the  enemy  was  disheartened,  and  his  fleet,  on  which  he  had  de 
pendedfor  supplies,  destroyed.  Every  sagacious  mind  now  saw  that  the 
British  would  be  forced,  in  time,  to  evacuate,  not  only  the  American 
territory  they  occupied,  but  also  a  portion  of  Upper  Canada. 

Meantime,  a  series  of  disasters  was  attending  our  arms  on  the 
St.  Lawrence.  General  Dearborn,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been  sus- 
pended by  General  Wilkinson  ;  and  General  Armstrong,  the  Secretary 
of  War,  had  arrived  in  person,  at  the  seat  of  operations,  in  order  to 
superintend  the  campaign.  But  the  new  General  was  even  worse 
than  the  last.  If  Dearborn  was  superannuated,  Wilkinson  was  vain, 
as  well  as  old.  On  the  21st  of  October  he  began  the  descent  of  the 
St.  Lawrence,  his  intention  being  to  attack  Montreal,  after  forming 
a  junction  with  General  Hampton,  who  was  to  advance  from  Lake 
Champlain.  The  late  period  of  the  year  however,  bringing  incle- 
ment weather,  delayed  the  progress  of  the  troops.  At  last,  after  a 
delay  of  two  weeks,  the  army  left  Lake  Ontario,  and  entered  the 
St.  Lawrence.  A  few  days  subsequently,  the  indecisive  battle  of  Wil- 
liamsburgh  was  fought,  and  shortly  after,  on  Hampton's  declaring 
his  inability  to  reach  the  rendezvous,  Wilkinson  abandoned  the  en- 
terprise. A  bold  leader  would  have  advanced,  nothwithstanding 
his  disappointment.  Wilkinson's  only  excuse  for  his  conduct,  is  that 
he  was  enfeebled,  both  in  mind  and  body,  by  sickness.  The  dis- 
graceful termination  of  this  expedition  ultimately  produced  the  resig- 
nation of  both  Wilkinson  and  Armstrong.  The  disasters  on  the 
northern  frontier  did  not,  however,  cease  with  this  failure.  On  the 
10th  of  December,  the  Americans  abandoned  and  blew  up  Fort 
George,  and  in  retiring,  burnt  the  Canadian  village  of  Newark.  On 
the  15th,  the  invaders  were  pursued  to  their  own  soil,  Fort  Niagara 
captured  by  surprise,  and  the  neighboring  villages  of  Lewis- 
town,  Youngstown,  and  Manchester,  consumed  in  retaliation  for  the 
destruction  of  Newark.  Subsequently,  Black  Rock  and  Buffalo 
were  also  attacked  by  the  British,  and  given  to  the  flames.  In  the 
north-west,  however,  our  arms  had  been  more  successful.  The  vic- 
tory of  Perry  having  opened  the  road  into  Canada,  Harrison,  on  tho 
27th  of  September,  1813,  embarked  his  troops,  and  landed  the  sama 
day  in  the  British  territories.  Proctor,  who,  since  the  defeat  of  the 
English  fleet,  had  acted  like  one  stupified  with  fear,  immediately 
abandoned  Maiden,  and  began  a  disgraceful  flight.  On  the  5th  of 
October,  Harrison  overtook  the  retreating  General,  and  the  battle  of 
the  Thames  ensued,  in  which  the  combined  British  and  Indian  force 


BRITISH    ATROCITIES.  43 

was  defeated.  Proctor  was  one  of  the  first  to  fly.  His  savage  ally, 
Tecumseh,  fought  with  more  resolution,  and  stoutly  disputed  the 
day,  until  he  fell,  covered  with  wounds.  The  loss  in  this  battle  was 
comparatively  slight.  The  Americans  suffered,  in  killed  and  wound- 
ed, only  twenty -nine  ;  the  British  and  savages,  about  sixty-four.  By 
this  victory  of  the  Thames,  the  whole  territory  surrendered  by  Gene- 
raC  Hull  was  recovered,  while  a  large  portion  of  Canada  was  wrested 
from  the  British  crown,  and  retained  until  the  end  of  the  war. 
Nor  was  this  all ;  the  power  of  the  savages  having  been  thus 
broken,  they  were  not  able  again  to  rally,  and  henceforth  the  British 
had  to  conduct  the  war  alone. 

While  success  on  the  Canadian  frontier  had  been  fluctuating  in 
this  manner  between  the  Americans  and  British,  though,  on  the 
whole,  inclining  to  the  latter,  the  people  of  the  Middle  States  were 
kept  in  a  state  of  continual  alarm  by  predatory  incursions  from  the 
enemy's  fleet.  In  December,  1812,  the  Atlantic  coast,  from  the 
Chesapeake  to  Rhode  Island,  had  been  declared  in  a  state  of 
blockade.  Immediately,  the  British  ships  on  the  seaboard,  com- 
menced a  harassing  warfare  on  the  exposed  settlements.  An  attack 
made  on  Lewistown,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Delaware  Bay,  proved 
indeed,  unsuccessful ;  but  in  the  Chesapeake,  the  depredations  of 
the  enemy,  under  Admiral  Cockburn,  spread  terror  on  every  hand. 
Nothing  was  too  petty  for  this  marauder  to  assail.  Farm-houses 
were  plundered  ;  country-seats  burned ;  and  villages  sacked,  under 
his  personal  superintendence.  Frenchtown,  Havre  de  Grace,  Fre- 
derickstown,  and  Georgetown,  were  laid  in  ashes.  But  at  Norfolk, 
the  enemy  met  with  a  repulse.  Irritated  at  this  however,  the  Bri- 
tish assailed  Hampton,  a  town  about  eighteen  miles  distant,  and 
having  succeeded  in  capturing  it,  committed  there  the  most  revolting 
crimes.  Subsequently,  the  shores  of  North  Carolina  were  ravaged  by 
Cockburn.  The  burning  of  Newark  formed  the  excuse  for  these 
atrocities.  Another  circumstance  in  addition  to  these  successful  maraud- 
ing expeditions,  tended  to  depress  the  public  confidence.  The  naval 
successes  of  1813  were  less  numerous,  and  with  the  exception  of 
Perry's  victory,  less  brilliant  than  in  1812,  though  the  year  had 
opened  auspiciously.  On  the  23d  of  February,  Captain  Lawrence, 
in  the  Hornet,  a  sloop  of  war,  captured  the  British  brig  of  war,  Pen- 
guin, Captain  Peake.  So  shattered  was  the  enemy's  ship  by  the 
fire  of  the  Hornet,  that  she  sunk  before  her  crew  could  all  be  remov- 
ed, carrying  down  with  her  nine  Englishmen  and  three  Americans 
For  this  victory,  Lawrence  was  promoted  to  the  frigate  Chesapeake, 
then  in  the  port  of  Boston.  He  had  scarcely  taken  command  of  his 


46 


NAVAL    BATTLES. 


new  ship,  before  Captain  Brock,  of  the  British  frigate  Shannon 
cruizing  off  Boston  harbor,  sent  in  a  challenge  for  the  Chesapeake 
to  come  out  and  fight  the  Shannon.  Ardent,  young,  and  confident, 
Lawrence  left  his  anchorage  on  the  first  of  June,  and  proceeded  to 
meet  the  foe.  In  the  battle  that  followed,  the  American  frigate  was 
captured,  with  a  loss  of  ninety-seven  wounded,  and  seventy-eight 
killed — among  the  latter,  the  Captain.  The  British  loss  was  twen- 
ty-four killed,  and  fifty-six  wounded ;  Captain  Brock  being  among 
the  latter.  The  success  of  the  enemy  was  owing  to  his  crew  being 
composed  of  picked  men,  while  that  of  Lawrence  was  in  a  state 
of  almost  open  mutiny.  This  loss  of  the  Chesapeake  happening 
almost  in  sight  of  Boston,  affected  the  nation  with  a  profound  senti- 
ment of  despondency  ;  and  there  were  even  those  who  now  began  to 
assert  that  our  former  naval  victories  had  been  accidents,  and  that 
hereafter,  England  would  defeat  us  on  sea,  as  universally  as  she  had 
done  on  land. 

However,  other  successes  on  the  ocean  soon  brought  the  public 
mind  back  to  a  more  healthy  tone.  In  August  the  Argus,  brig-of-war, 
commanded  by  Captain  Allen,  boldly  entered  the  British  channel,  and 
in  a  short  time  captured  vessels  and  canfoes  to  the  amount  of  two 
millions  of  dollars.  Such  was  the  terror  created  by  her  depredations 


THE  ENTERPRISE  AND  TUB  BOXER. 


that  insurances  could  scarcely  be  effected  at  any  price  in  London. 
The  government  hastened  to  despatch  various  cruizers  against  the 
Argus,  one  of  which,  the  Pelican,  of  superior  force,  finally  fell  if 


BATTLE    OF    TALLUSHATCHEE.  47 

with  and  captured  her.  The  defence  of  the  Argus  was  desperate, 
and  only  terminated  by  the  fall  of  her  Captain,  and  the  approach  of 
an  enemy's  frigate.  On  the  4th  of  September,  the  American  brig-of- 
war,  Enterprise,  Lieutenant  Burrows,  took  the  British  brig-of-war, 
Boxer,  of  equal  force,  and  thus  again  changed  the  fortune  of  war. 
On  the  whole,  however,  our  naval  success  in  1813,  was  inferior  to 
what  it  had  been  during  1812  ;  and  that  unlimited  confidence  in  our 
naval  prowess,  which  had  begun  to  characterize  the  Americans, 
yielded  to  uneasy  doubts.  While  the  failures  on  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  the  equal  nature  of  the  strife  at  sea  thus  filled  the  public  mind 
with  uneasiness,  the  breaking  out  of  a  war  among  the  Creeks  of 
Georgia,  affording  a  new  element  of  danger,  led,  for  a  time,  to  almost 
general  gloom. 

The  Indians  of  the  south  had  early  shown  a  taste  for  civilized 
pursuits,  and  become  thriving  agriculturalists.  Some  traces  of  their 
original  savage  natures,  however,  remained  uneradicated,  and 
these  were  easily  re-awakened,  when  Tecumseh,  in  the  spring 
of  1812,  visited  them  to  instigate  to  war.  In  September  of 
that  year,  accordingly,  an  attack  was  made  on  a  party  of  Georgia 
volunteers,  who,  after  a  sharp  conflict,  were  forced  to  retreat. 
On  receiving  intelligence  of  this  event,  General  Jackson,  at  the  head 
of  twenty-five  hundred  Tennessee  volunteers,  was  ordered  out, 
and  in  consequence,  the  Creeks  were,  for  a  time,  awed  into  quiet. 
But,  on  the  30th  of  August,  1813,  a  body  of  Indians  suddenly  at- 
tacked Fort  Mimmns,  in  Alabama,  and  having  fired  the  houses  built 
around  the  enclosure,  massacred  the  garrison  and  other  inmates  as 
they  rushed  from  the  flames.  About  three  hundred  settlers,  alarmed 
by  the  disturbed  condition  of  the  country,  had  taken  refuge  in  the 
fort,  and  these  all  fell,  except  seventeen,  who  managed  to  escape. 
The  savages  followed  up  this  blow  by  laying  waste  the  neighboring 
country,  and  murdering  the  peaceable  inhabitants.  Encouraged  by 
these  successes,  the  whole  Creek  nation  rushed  to  arms,  and  the 
people  of  Georgia,  Alabama  and  even  Tennessee,  began  to  tremble 
for  property  and  life. 

An  army  of  thirty-five  hundred  men  was  promptly  raised  to  chas- 
tise the  savages.  At  the  head  of  this  army  was  placed  General  Jack- 
son. He  immediately  marched  into  the  Indian  country,  and  on  the 
9th  of  November,  181 3, despatched  General  Coffee,  with  nine  hundred 
men,  against  a  body  of  Indians,  collected  at  Tallushatchee.  A  com- 
plete victory  was  gained  by  the  Americans,  and  at  a  loss  of  only 
five  killed  and  forty  wounded.  The  enemy  fought  with  desperate 
valor, and  protracted  the  contest  until  nearly  all  his  warriois  perished, 
over  one  hundred  and  eighty  being  left  dead  on  the  field.  On  the 


48  BATTLE    OF    EMUCZFATT. 

9th  of  December,  General  Jackson,  in  person,  met  anotherbody  of  the 
Indians  at  Talledega,  and  cut  them  to  pieces,  after  a  terrible  encoun- 
ter. More  than  three  hundred  of  the  enemy  were  killed ;  while  but 
fifteen  Americans  were  killed,  and  eighty  wounded.  After  this  bat- 
tle, General  Jackson  was  forced  to  remain  inactive  for  a  time,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  want  of  provisions  and  of  a  mutiny  among  his  troops. 
But,  meanwhile,  General  White,  at  the  head  of  another  body  of  mi- 
litia, had  attacked  the  principal  towns  of  the  Hillabee  tribe,  which 
he  destroyed,  killing  sixty  warriors,  and  making  two  hundred  and 
fifty  prisoners.  Almost  simultaneously,  the  Georgia  militia,  under 
General  Floyd,  at  the  Autossee  town  on  Tallapoosa  river,  obtained 
a  decisive  victory  over  the  Indians,  killing  two  hundred,  with  a  loss 
of  but  eleven  Americans  killed,  and  fifty-four  wounded. 

The  bloody  tragedy  continued  without  intermission  during  the 
rest  of  1813,  and  up  to  the  spring  of  1814.  As  it  is  but  a  repetition 
of  sanguinary  battles,  let  us  hasten  to  its  close.  On  the  21st  of  Janu- 
ary, 18 14,  the  savages,  recovering  confidence,  attacked  General  Jack- 
son at  Emuckfau,  but  were  again  defeated,  with  great  slaughter. 
On  the  27th,  they  also  assailed  the  camp  of  General  Floyd,  with 
like  ill-success.  The  Americans  did  not  follow  up  these  advan- 
tages, however,  until  spring,  being  prevented  from  active  mea- 
sures by  the  want  of  provisions.  But  on  the  14th  of  March,  Gene- 
ral Jackson  began  to  advance  a  second  time  into  the  Creek  territory. 
On  the  27th,  he  fought  the  decisive  battle  of  the  Horse-Shoe-Bend,  in 
which  near  six  hundred  of  the  savages  perished.  The  American 
loss  was  fifty-five  killed  and  one  hundred  and  forty-six  wounded. 
This  action  terminated  the  war.  The  strength  of  the  Indians  had 
been  completely  prostrated  in  this  last  struggle,  and  being  utterly 
unable  to  make  another  stand,  they  sued  for  peace.'  In  all  these  ac- 
tions the  savages  had  fought  with  the  most  heroic  obstinacy,  gener- 
ally refusing  quarter ;  and,  at  the  close  of  hostilities,  many,  disdain- 
ing to  submit,  sullenly  retired  to  Florida,  where,  in  secret,  they 
brooded  over  revenge. 

The  conditions  on  which  the  United  States  granted  peace,  were 
liberal,  considering  the  unprovoked  nature  of  the  war,  and  the  almost 
uninterrupted  success  which  had  attended  the  American  arms.  All 
the  prisoners  on  both  sides  were  to  be  restored.  As  the  war  had 
prevented  the  Indians  planting  corn,  and  the  nation  would  be  con 
sequently  in  a  state  of  starvation,  the  United  States  agreed  to  furnish 
the  necessaries  of  life  until  the  famine  should  be  over.  In  conside- 
ration of  these  things  the  Creeks  ceded  a  portion  of  their  territory 


NORTH-WESTERN    FRONTIER.  49 

sutficient  to  indemnify  the  United  States  for  the  expenses  of  the  war. 
It  was  further  stipulated  that  roads  should  be  opened  through  the  Creek 
territory ;  that  the  navigation  of  the  Creek  rivers  should  be  free ;  and 
that  the  United  States  should  have  the  right  to  establish  military 
posts  and  trading  houses  within  the  Creek  boundaries. 

We  have  thus  followed  the  course  of  events  during  the  years  1812 
and  1813  ;  and  beheld,  on  every  side,  far  more  disasters  than  victo- 
ries. The  task  has  been  an  uninviting  one.  With  the  exception  of 
the  victory  at  Fort  Stephenson,  an  incessant  torrent  of  misfortune 
had  characterized  the  operations  in  the  north-west,  up  to  the  victory 
of  Perry  on  Lake  Erie.  First,  Detroit  had  surrendered ;  then  Har- 
rison's autumnal  campaign  had  failed  ;  afterwards  had  come  the 
massacre  of  the  Raisin;  and,  finally,  to  crown  this  climax  of  defeat, 
the  American  army,  instead  of  recovering  Michigan,  was  compelled 
to  fall  back  and  entrench  itself  at  Fort  Meigs.  The  first  half  of  the 
year  1813  passed  without  any  victories  to  compensate  for  these  dis- 
asters. It  is  true,  Fort  Meigs  twice  repulsed  the  enemy,  but  this 
was  only  a  negative  success,  and  did  not  satisfy  the  people,  who  had 
expected  the  army  to  advance  into  Canada.  At  last  the  prospect  began 
to  brighten.  After  great  exertions,  a  large  army  was  collected  on 
the  shores  of  Lake  Erie,and  Perry  having  obtained  his  victory,  there 
followed  the  invasion  of  the  enemy's  territory,  the  battle  of  the 
Thames,  the  recovery  of  Michigan,  and  the  utter  destruction  of 
the  hostile  Indian  confederacy  ! 

But  on  Lake  Ontario  and  the  St.  Lawrence,  misfortune  still  at- 
tended our  arms.  What  few  advantages  had  been  obtained  over 
the  enemy  in  this  part  of  Canada,  were  lost  before  the  close  of  1813, 
and  the  most  cheerless  prospect  presented  itself  to  the  people  on  that 
frontier.  Our  armies  had  been  universally  defeated ;  our  oldest  and 
most  tried  Generals  had  failed ;  and  our  soil  had  been  profaned  and 
our  villages  burned  by  the  victorious  enemy.  Instead  of  being  the 
invaders  we  had  become  the  invaded.  These  triumphs  over  us  had 
been  gained  by  a  comparatively  small  number  of  the  British  forces ; 
for  occupied  with  the  closing  struggles  of  Napoleon,  England  had 
been  unable  to  spare  but  few  of  her  veteran  troops.  But  the  con- 
test in  Europe  was  evidently  drawing  to  a  close.  Before  many 
months,  Great  Britain,  disengaged  from  her  continental  foe,  would 
be  at  liberty  to  inundate  our  shores  with  fifty  thousand  veterans 
These  considerations  filled  all  reflecting  minds  with  alarm.  It  was 
to  be  feared,  that,  with  such  superior  advantages,  England  would  not 
only  regain  what  she  had  lost  in  the  north-west,  but  carry  her  vic- 
v  7 


50 


REFLECTIONS    ON    THE    WAR. 


torious  arms  permanently  into  New  York.  The  prospect,  indeed, 
was  dark  and  threatening.  Was  it  eternal  night  setting  in,  or  only 
the  gloom  that  precedes  the  dawn  ? 

Indeed,  even  at  this  day,  the  historian  cannot  look  back  upon  that 
period,  without  melancholy  feelings.  Millions  of  money  had  been 
spent,  and  thousands  of  lives  sacrificed,  yet  scarcely  a  gleam  of  vic- 
tory had  irradiated  the  dark  tempest  of  disaster.  But  the  heroic  re- 
solution to  continue  the  struggle  remained,  and  while  that  was  left 
all  hope  had  not  yet  departed.  The  nation,  at  that  epoch,  reminds 
us  of  some  defeated  army,  which  has  sunk  down  exhausted,  amid 
the  gloom  and  horror  of  the  battle-field,  to  snatch  a  short  repose  be- 
fore renewing  the  desperate  contest  on  the  morrow.  Only  a  prophe- 
tic eye  could  see  light  breaking  across  the  ruin. 


BOOK  III. 


TO    THE    CLOSE    OP    THE    CONTEST. 

EFORE  resuming  the  narrative  of  military 
events,  we  will  turn  aside  to  consider  the 
financial  condition  of  the  country,  and  other 
matters  important  to  be  known  for  a  full  un- 
derstanding of  the  contest. 

The  two  years  of  war  which  had  now 
elapsed  had  cost  the  nation  immense  sums. 
By  carrying  on  the  contest  at  a  distance  from 
the  thickly  settled  portions  of  the  country,  the 
expenses  had  been  much  increased,  and  in  some  instances  were  al- 
most appalling.  Each  barrel  of  flour  for  Harrison's  army  was  esti- 
mated to  have  cost  a  hundred  dollars.  Of  four  thousand  pack-horses 
employed  in  the  autumn  of  1812  to  transport  supplies  to  that  Gene- 
ral, but  eight  hundred  were  alive  at  the  end  of  the  ensuing  winter, 
and  the  nation  paid  for  all  that  perished.  The  expenses  of  the  war 
on  Lake  Ontario  wore  less  frightful,  though  even  there  they  swelled 

51 


52  TAXATION. 

to  an  amount  that  was  almost  incredible.  It  cost  a  thousand  dollars 
for  every  cannon  conveyed  to  Sackett's  Harbor.  To  build  the  fleets 
on  the  lakes  absorbed  immense  amounts.  The  sura  expended  on 
Lake  Ontario  for  this  purpose  alone  was  nearly  two  millions  of  dol- 
lars. These  vast  outlays  necessarily  embarrassed  the  public  finances, 
especially  as  the  war  had  been  begun  with  an  impoverished  treasury. 
Before  Congress  adjourned,  after  the  declaration  of  hostilities,  a  bilJ 
had  been  passed,  allowing  the  President  to  issue  treasury  notes  to 
the  amount  of  five  millions  of  dollars  ;  and  one  of  its  first  acts  on  re- 
assembling in  November,  was  to  authorize  a  further  issue  of  five 
millions,  and  to  empower  him  to  borrow  sixteen  millions  in  addition. 

These  measures  being  found  insufficient  to  provide  for  the  rapidly 
increasing  expenses  of  the  contest,  and  the  revenue  from  the  customs 
being  cut  off  almost  entirely,  it  became  necessary  to  adopt  other  ex- 
pedients, and  accordingly,  on  the  22nd  of  July,  1813,  Congress  passed 
an  act  for  levying  direct  taxes  and  internal  duties.  The  direct  tax 
was,  at  first,  fixed  at  three  millions,  but  in  January,  1815,  it  was  in- 
creased to  six.  The  average  duration  of  the  war  taxes  was  three 
years.  The  nett  proceeds  were  about  five  millions  three  hundred 
thousand  dollars  annually.  These  taxes  continued  to  be  increased, 
from  time  to  time,  until  the  declaration  of  peace,  after  which  they 
were  gradually  diminished  until  they  ceased  altogether.  It  is 
honorable  to  the  nation  to  record  that  never  were  taxes  paid 
more  promptly,  though  specie  payments  being  suspended,  money 
was  scarce  and  the  currency  in  a  most  deranged  condition.  In  addi- 
tion to  these  taxes,  Congress,  between  the  years  1812  and  1815,  au- 
thorized loans  to  the  amount  of  ninety  millions,  most  of  which  were 
received  in  a  depreciated  currency,  and  never  at  an  interest  of  less 
than  six  per  cent.  During  the  war  the  issue  of  treasury  notes  to  the 
amount  of  forty  millions  also  was  authorized.  At  the  close  of  the 
contest  the  national  debt  was  increased  nearly  one  hundred  millions. 
In  consequence  of  these  enormous  liabilities  the  credit  of  the  federal 
government  sunk  so  low  that  treasury  notes  depreciated  to  seventeen 
per  cent,  and  the  loans  to  thirty  per  cent,  below  par.  During  all 
this  period  the  commercial  world  was  plunged  in  distress.  Coin  dis- 
appeared from  circulation,  and  was  replaced  by  a  paper  currency, 
frequently  of  the  most  worthless  kind.  The  ruin  of  private  fortunes 
was  frequent.  Yet,  on  the  whole,  the  people  bore  their  calamities 
with  cheerfulness,  never  forgetting  that  they,  rather  than  the 
government,  were  the  true  authors  of  the  war  ! 

We  have  already  alluded  to  the  fact  that  England,  for  the  first 
two  years  of  the  contest,  depended  chiefly  on  the  savages  to  fight 


GENERAL    DEARBORN.  53 

ner  battles.  This  was,  in  part,  the  result  of  necessity.  Her  minister 
at  Washington,  Mr.  Foster,  had  so  completely  mistaken  public  sen- 
timent in  the  United  States,  as  to  believe  that  there  existed  nc*dan- 
ger  of  a  war,  and  accordingly  his  government,  relying  on  these  as- 
surances, made  little  or  no  preparation  for  the  crisis.  Hence,  when 
Congress  declared  hostilities,  the  British  had  but  five  thousand  troops 
in  Canada.  Alarmed  at  the  consequence  of  his  error,  Mr.  Foster 
hastened  to  obviate  them  by  a  trick ;  and  it  was  at  his  secret  insti- 
gation that  Sir  George  Prevost  applied  for  and  obtained  the  armis- 
tice with  General  Dearborn,  to  which  we  have  before  alluded.  This 
armistice,  it  is  true,  was  immediately  disavowed  by  Mr.  Madison ; 
but  in  the  meantime  it  had  served  its  purpose ;  for  as  the  agreement 
did  not  extend  to  the  upper  lakes,  Brock  had  hastened  thither,  and 
in  consequence  Detroit  had  been  captured.  The  disgrace  attending 
the  fall  of  that  place,  made«ita  point  of  honor  that  it  should  be  re-ta- 
ken ;  and  hence  more  importance  was  attached  to  its  re-capture  than 
it,  perhaps,  deserved.  It  is  almost  certain  that  if  the  sums  which 
were  expended  in  recovering  Michigan,  had  been  applied  to  fitting 
out  an  expe^tion  against  Halifax,  that  important  naval  depot  might 
have  become  ours  in  the  first  year  of  the  war,  and  a  blow  been 
struck  at  England  which  would  have  staggered  her,  notwithstand- 
ing her  colossal  strength  ! 

There  is  another  consideration  which  increases  the  regret  of  the 
historian,  when  he  reflects  on  this  unfortunate  armistice.  It  was  the 
cause  of  a  long  period  of  inactivity,  fatal  not  only  to  the  health,  but 
to  the  spirits  of  the  army.  The  war  on  Lake  Ontario  having  begun 
in  a  languishing  way,  was  continued  in  the  same  manner  for  nearly 
two  years ;  for  the  troops  who  were  to  conduct  it  had  been  ruined, 
as  it  were,  by  the  inactivity  of  the  first  three  months.  Had  Dearborn, 
on  the  declaration  of  hostilities,  dashed  boldly  across  into  Canada, 
he  would  have  carried  everything  before  him.  A  leader  like  Brown, 
or  Scott,  or  Jackson,  would,  at  that  period,  have  been  invaluable. 
The  comparatively  small  numbers  of  the  enemy  would  have  render- 
ed his  resistance  unavailing,  and  the  prestige  of  success  once  obtain- 
edr  our  soldiers  would  have  won  victories  subsequently  as  of  course ! 
More  men  in  Dearborn's  command  died  of  diseases  contracted  from 
inactivity,  than  would  have  fallen  in  all  the  battles  necessary  to 
wrest  Canada  from  the  British  arms.  The  weakness,  imbecility,  and 
want  of  energy  which  characterized  the  leaders,  soon  descended  to 
the  soldiers ;  and  hence  it  was  that  Wilkinson's  army,  the  finest 
of  the  war,  effected  nothing.  Timidity  in  the  General  breeds  cow- 
ardice in  the  men. 


54  NEGOTIATIONS    FOR    PEACE. 

The  awe  in  which  the  enemy's  prowess  was  held,  was  not  unknown 
to  him,  as  we  have  seen  in  narrating  the  operations  that  led  to  the 
surrender  of  Detroit.  The  old  arrogance  of  England  now  displayed 
itself  in  consequence  in  a  claim  as  absurd,  as  it  was  tyrannical.  On 
the  capture  of  Colonel  Scott's  regulars  at  Queenstown,  those  who 
had  been  born  subjects  of  his  majesty,  were  selected  from  the  pri- 
soners, and  sent  to  England,  there  to  be  tried  for  bearing  arms 
against  their  King.  This  conduct,  though  sought  to  be  defended  by 
the  doctrine  of  allegiance,  was  an  outrage  of  the  most  atrocious  cha- 
racter, since  many  of  the  men  were  not  only  Irishmen,  and  hence 
unwilling  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  but  had  become  legal  citizens 
of  the  United  States.  The  behaviour  of  England  in  this  affair,  was 
no  less  absurd  than  unjust,  for  she  could  not  but  know  that  the  Uni- 
ted States  would  retaliate.  Colonel  Scott,  on  his  exchange,  immedi- 
ately represented  the  case  of  these  men  to  the  Federal  Government, 
which  promptly  issued  orders  that  the  British  soldiers  taken  by  our 
armies,  should  be  held  responsible  for  any  injury  inflicted  on  the 
prisoners  of  Queenstown.  The  English  ministry,  threatened  in  reply, 
that  if  a  single  British  soldier  suffered,  an  American  officer  should  be 
sacrificed  for  every  such  soldier.  But  the  United  States,  regardless 
of  this,  maintained  a  firm  attitude.  For  a  while  the  prisoners  on  both 
sides,  below  the  rank  of  captain,  inclusive,  were  treated  harshly  ;  but 
in  the  spring  of  1814,  the  enemy  set  the  example  of  relaxing,  and  the 
dispute  was  finally  terminated,  by  the  release  of  Scott's  soldiers. 
The  attitude  assumed  by  England  in  this  affair,  would  not,  perhaps, 
have  been  attempted  towards  any  other  civilized  power.  That  some 
of  our  citizens  were  found  to  defend  it,  proved  that  the  colonial 
habit  of  submission  had  not  yet  entirely  left  us. 

Nor  indeed  was  the  administration  of  Mr.  Madison  wholly  free 
from  that  belief  in  the  invincibility  of  England,  which  had  led  to  so 
many  disasters  on  land,  and  had,  in  part,  invited  this  arrogance. 
From  a  war,  forced  on  it  by  the  people,  it  was  extremely  anxious  to 
escape.  Mr.  Gallatin,  the  then  most  prominent  member  of  the  Cabi- 
net, was  eager  for  peace.  Mr.  Monroe,  one  of  the  warmest  friends 
of  the  Government,  declared  that"  we  ought  to  get  out  of  the  war 
as  soon  as  we  could."  Mr.  Madison  himself,  had  not  favored  hos- 
tilities, and  was  desirous  to  secure  peace  as  soon  as  possible  ;  but  the 
conflict  having  once  begun,  he  objected  to  any  terms  of  conciliation 
which  did  not  afford  redress  for  all  our  old  complaints.  Hence, 
when  Admiral  Warren  arrived  at  Halifax,  in  September,  1812,  hav- 
ing been  sent  out  principally  to  arrange  an  accommodation,  the  Pre- 
sident rejected  the  offered  olive  branch,  because  Great  Britain  re- 


NEGOTIATIONS    FOR    PEACE.  55 

fused  to  abandon  her  claim  to  impressment.  The  terms  on  which 
the  United  States  were  willing  to  treat,  were  a  repeal  of  the  orders 
in  council,  no  revival  of  paper  blockades,  the  cessation  of  impress- 
ments, and  the  immediate  release  of  all  American  seamen  from  Bri- 
tish ships.  England,  on  her  part,  rejected  these  conditions,  and  the 
war  consequently  went  on.  But  the  negotiations  had  not  been  with- 
out their  effect  on  military  operations,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  lan- 
guished on  Lake  Ontario  during  the  whole  autumn  of  1812. 

Another  abortive  attempt  at  a  reconciliation  came  in  the  following 
year,  from  an  unexpected  quarter.  On  the  20th  of  September,  1813, 
the  Russian  Government,  then  in  close  alliance  with  Great  Britain, 
offered  itself  as  a  mediator  between  the  belligerants.  This  was,  in 
part,  attributable  to  the  diplomatic  skill  of  Mr.  Adams,  the  minister  of 
the  United  States,  at  the  court  of  St.  Petersburg;  in  part  the  result  of  the 
Emperor's  anxiety  to  secure  for  his  subjects  those  commercial  advan- 
tages which  hostilities  bet  ween  the  two  greatest  maritime  powers  on  the 
globe  prevented.  This  offer  of  mediation  was  rejected  in  London  as 
soon  as  made  known,  the  English  ministry  declining  to  submit  to 
mediation,  differences  which  they  declared  involved  the  internal  go- 
vernment of  Great  Britain.  In  the  United  States,  however,  the  ten- 
der was  promptly  accepted,  and  Messrs.  Gallatin  and  Bayard  ap- 
pointed envoys,  to  unite  with  Mr.  Adams  in  negotiating  a  peace. 
As  all  these  gentlemen  had  been  opposed  to  the  war,  their  selection 
was  pregnant  with  meaning,  and  men  were  now  'confident  that 
peace  would  speedily  be  declared.  The  embassy  arrived  in  the 
Baltic  on  the  21st  of  June,  1813,  but  met  with  disappointment.  Eng- 
land, on  the  1st  of  September,  after  again  declining  the  mediation, 
offered,  however,  to  appoint  persons  to  hold  conferences  with  the 
American  embassy,  and  named  Gottenburg  as  a  suitable  place  for 
the  meeting.  As  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  States  had  no 
authority  to  treat,  except  under  the  mediation  of  Russia,  it  became 
necessary  to  await  new  powers,  which  did  not  reach  Europe  until 
the  Spring  of  1814.  There  can  be  no  question  but  that  the  eager- 
ness shown  by  the  United  States  for  peace,  frustrated  its  own  wishes. 
Moreover,  in  proportion  as  this  country  grew  more  anxious  for  a  re- 
conciliation, England  became  freed  from  her  continental  struggle, 
and  more  able  to  punish  us.  Hence,  as  our  offers  rose,  her  demands 
increased.  But  a  re-action  was  now  about  to  begin,  which,  in  the 
short  space  of  six  months,  was  to  make  her  as  willing  to  accept  as 
she  had  before  been  arrogant  to  decline  our  terms. 

The  difficulty  in  the  way  of  Mr.  Madison's  prosecution  of  the  war, 
from  the  outset,  had  been  the  attitude  of  the  New  England  states 


56  DISAFFECTION    OF    NEW    ENGLAND. 

This  wealthy,  intelligent  and  influential  section  of  the  Union  had  al- 
ways been  opposed  to  hostilities;  and  had  gone  so  far  as  to  refuse 
to  order  out  its  militia  on  the  requisition  of  the  President.  In  other 
ways,  also,  the  New  England  states  sought  to  embarrass  military 
operations.  In  a  republic  like  this,  where  public  sentiment  is  the 
main  spring  of  all  movements,  the  influence  wielded  by  the  most  in- 
telligent portion  of  the  Union  must  ever  be  great.  Hence,  the  senti- 
ments of  New  England  made  converts  throughout  the  whole  coun- 
try, especially  in  northern  and  western  New  York,  where  a  large 
portion  of  the  inhabitants  were  of  New  England  origin.  A  favorite 
doctrine  of  those  who  opposed  the  war,  was  that  the  President  had 
no  right  to  employ  militia  for  purposes  of  invasion ;  and  hence  it  fre- 
quently happened  at  the  most  critical  emergencies,  that  this  species 
of  force  refused  to  cross  into  Canada.  This  occurred  at  the  battle  of 
Queenstown.  The  knowledge  of  the  prevailing  sentiment  in  New 
England  induced  Great  Britain,  during  the  first  two  years  virtually 
to  exempt  that  section  of  the  Union  from  hostilities.  Meantime,  a  thri- 
ving traffic  was  carried  on  with  Halifax,  by  the  disaffected  states; 
and  large  quantities  of  American  flour  were  landed  at  that  port, 
almost  weekly ;  at  a  time,  too,  when  the  article  was  scarce  in  the 
United  States.  To  check  this  species  of  treasonable  commerce,  Con- 
gress, in  December,  1813,  passed  an  embargo  law,  but  the  trade  still 
continued  to  exist,  notwithstanding;  and  accordingly,  in  April,  the 
useless  interdict  was  repealed.  Tho  hostility  of  New  England  to- 
wards the  war  had  such  an  influence  on  the  earlier  stages  of  its  pro- 
gress, as  to  induce  the  retort  on  Dr.  .E ust is,  Secretary  of  War,  and 
himself  from  Boston,  "  that  if  New  England  had  not  been  disaffect- 
ed, the  United  States  could  have  taken  Canada,  the  first  year,  by 
contract." 

But,  towards  the  close  of  1813,  sentiments  in  New  England  began 
to  change.  Nothing  exercised  a  greater-  influence  in  producing  this 
wholesome  alteration  than  the  barbarities  committed  by  Admiral 
Cockburn,  in  the  Chesapeake,  but  especially  at  Hampton.  Hitherto 
it  had  been  said  in  New  England  that  we  were  the  aggressors ;  but 
after  this  invasion  of  our  soil,  and  its  attendant  atrocities,  public 
opinion  turned.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  Henry  Clay,  then 
speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  distinguished  himself  by 
one  of  those  bursts  of  indignant  eloquence,  for  which  he  was  famed. 
Leaving  the  chair,  he  offered  a  resolution  for  the  appointment  of  a 
committee  to  inquire  into  the  departures  of  the  enemy  from  the  laws 
of  war  and  humanity,  and  to  embody  a  narrative  of  these  outrages 
in  a  public  document  to  challenge  the  attention  of  all  civilized  na- 


GENERAL    BROWW.  57 

tions.  The  motion  was  carried,  and  in  accordance  with  it  a  report 
made,  which  exercised  an  important  influence  in  revolutionizing  pub- 
lic sentiment  and  inciting  the  nation  to  a  vigorous  prosecution  of 
the  war. 

The  blockade  of  the  New  England  coasts  in  the  spring  of  1814, 
conduced  also  to  this  result.  A  British  squadron  seized  Eastport, 
in  Maine,  and  retained  it  until  the  close  of  the  war.  In  April  a  squadron 
of  the  enemy  ascended  the  Connecticut  river  as  far  as  Pittipaug  Point, 
set  on  fire  the  village,  and  burned  over  twenty  vessels  that  had  taken 
refuge  there.  In  August,  the  town  of  Stonington,  towards  the  eastern 
extremity  of  Long  Island  Sound,  was  bombarded  for  three  days,  by 
Commodore  Hardy,  but  without  success.  In  September,  the  whole 
coast  of  Maine,  from  the  Penobscot  to  Passamaquoddy  Bay,  was 
seized  by  the  enemy,  and  a  proclamation  issued  by  him,  declaring 
it  conquered,  and  requiring  the  submission  of  the  inhabitants  to  the 
British  government.  These  successive  outrages  on  its  own  soil  roused 
the  indignation  of  New  England.  The  spirit  of  hostility  there  was 
still  further  increased,  in  the  summer  of  1814,  by  the  invasion  of  the 
enemy  along  the  route  of  Lake  Champlain. 

We  have  thus  traced  the  causes  why  it  happened  that,  just  as  Eng- 
land was  prepared  to  turn  her  undivided  strength  against  the  United 
States,  the  latter,  for  the  first  time  during  the  war,  became  compe- 
tent for  the  struggle,  and  united  in  favor  of  its  prosecution.  At  the 
moment  when  Great  Britain  loomed  more  colossal  than  ever  across 
the  Atlantic,  the  American  republic,  like  a  young  Sampson,  whose 
locks  had  grown  again,  stepped  forth  to  the  combat.  In  1813,  imbe- 
cile Generals,  undisciplined  troops,  and  divisions  among  the  people 
had  produced  a  harvest  of  defeat ;  but  when  the  campaign  opened 
in  1814,  all  this  had  changed.  Younger  and  abler  leaders  were  at 
the  head  of  the  army ;  the  soldiers  had  been  so  thoroughly  drilled 
as  to  be  almost  veterans ;  and  the  Union  was  united.  Added  to 
this,  the  imposing  attitude  of  the  enemy  called  up  each  latent  sinew 
on  our  part.  It  was  felt  by  every  American  that,  if  the  republic  was 
defeated  in  another  campaign,  consequences  the  most  disastrous,  if 
not  fatal,  would  ensue. 

Wilkinson  had  been  succeeded  in  his  command  by  General  Izard ; 
but  the  latter,  in  the  active  measures  of  the  campaign,  gave  place  to  Ge- 
neral Brown.  This  leader  belonged  to  a  new  school  in  war.  To  seek 
the  enemy,  to  fight  him  at  odds,  never  to  think  of  retreat,  these 
maxims  which  are  now  cardinal  points  in  the  creed  of  an  American 
army,  first  originated  with  General  Brown.  In  this  species  of  war 
rare  he  was  ably  sustained  by  General  Scott,  his  second  in  command. 

8 


58 


BATTLE  OP  LUNDY'S  LANE. 


Resolving  to  take  the  initiative,  General  Brown,  on  the  2nd  of  July 
at  midnight,  embarked  his  troops  from  Black  Rock,  to  attack  Fort 
Erie.  In  the  grey  of  the  morning  the  astonished  garrison  beheld  the 
Americans  drawn  up  ready  for  an  assault ;  and  knowing  that  resist- 
ance would  be  useless  against  such  an  overwhelming  force,  imme- 
diately surrendered.  General  Brown  now  pushed  forward  to  Chip- 
pewa,  where  it  was  understood  the  British,  under  General  Rial], 
were  posted,  to  the  number  of  three  thousand.  Here,  on  the  5th  of 
July,  the  battle  of  Chippewa  was  fought,  in  which  the  enemy  was 
signally  defeated.  The  loss  of  the  British,  in  this  action,  was  one 
hundred  and  thirty-three  killed,  three  hundred  and  twenty  wounded, 
and  forty -six  missing.  The  Americans  lost  sixty  killed  and  two 
hundred  and  sixty-eight  wounded  and  missing.  The  English  troops 
in  that  portion  of  Canada  now  hastened  to  concentrate.  On  the  25th 
of  July,  General  Brown,  being  informed  that  a  detachment  of  the 
enemy  had  invaded  the  American  soil,  hurried  General  Scott  for- 


BATTLK  OF  LTODT'S  LAIJX. 


ward  to  attack  the  forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara,  hoping  by  this 
diversion,  to  recall  the  foe  to  the  Canadian  shore.  General  Scott  at 
the  head  of  about  thirteen  hundred  men  only,  came  suddenly  across 
a  superior  force  of  the  enemy  at  Lundy's  Lane,  under  General's 
Drummond  and  Riall.  Disdaining  to  retire,  a  sanguinary  battle  en- 


BATTLE    OP    FORT    ERIE.  59 

sued,  which  he  maintained  alone  for  two  hours,  until  the  arrival  of 
General  Brown  with  the  remainder  of  the  army.  The  latter  officer 
immediately  drew  General  Scott's  brigade  out  of  action,  and  com- 
mitted the  contest  to  that  of  Ripley,  which  was  fresh.  The  height 
at  the  head  of  the  lane,  where  the  enemy  had  posted  a  battery,  and 
which  was  the  key  of  his  position,  was  now  gallantly  carried  by 
Colonel  Miller,  under  the  orders  of  General  Brown.  Several  unsuc- 
cessful efforts  were  made  by  the  foe  to  regain  this  elevation.  The 
combat,  which  began  before  dark,  raged  until  midnight.  By  this 
time  both  Generals  Brown  and  Scott  had  been  wounded  and  forced 
to  retire  from  the  field.  The  command  now  devolved  on  General 
Ripley.  The  enemy  being  repulsed,  Ripley  concluded  to  retire  to 
camp,  whence,  after  refreshing  his  men,  he  was  directed  to  march  by 
daylight,  and  engage  the  foe.  But,  finding  the  enemy's  force  had 
been  much  increased  during  the  night,  Ripley  thought  it  advisable 
to  "retreat,  and  accordingly  retired  to  Fort  Erie,  destroying  the 
bridges  as  he  went.  The  loss  of  the  British  at  Lundy's  Lane  was 
eighty-five  killed,  five  hundred  and  fifty-five  wounded,  and  two  hun- 
dred and  thirty-four  missing.  The  Americans  lost  in  killed,  wounded 
and  missing,  eight  hundred  and  sixty. 

Arrived  at  the  fort,  Ripley  used  the  greatest  exertions  to  strengthen 
its  defences,  before  the  enemy  should  arrive.  On  the  4th  of  August, 
General  Drummond  came  up,  and  invested  the  place  with  five  thou- 
sand men.  The  garrison  was  but  sixteen  hundred,  commanded  by 
General  Gaines,  who  had  been  sent  by  General  Brown  to  supersede 
Ripley.  Having  drawn  their  lines  of  circumvallation  closer  and 
closer,  until,  on  the  13th  of  August,  they  had  arrived  within  four 
hundred  yards  of  the  fort,  the  British  began  a  furious  bombardment 
and  cannonade.  At  last,  on  the  15th,  the  enemy  at  two  in  the 
morning,  advanced  in  threft  columns  to  assault  the  place.  The  con- 
flict was  long  and  desperate.  The  British,  at  one  time,  obtained  a 
lodgment  in  the  fort,  but  were  eventually  driven  out  again,  with 
great  slaughter.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was  computed  at  nine  hun- 
dred and  fifteen.  The  American  loss  was  only  eighty-four.  A 
fortnight  afterwards,  General  Brown,  having  recovered  partially 
from  his  wounds,  arrived,  and  assumed  command.  Finding  that  the 
British  continued  to  push  forward  the  approaches,  General  Brown 
resolved  to  make  a  sortie,  destroy  the  batteries,  and  cut  off  the  ad- 
vanced division  of  the  enemy.  This  bold  undertaking  was  crowned 
with  the  most  brilliant  success.  In  thirty  minutes,  the  Americans 
destroyed  the  labor  of  forty-seven  days,  took  three  hundred  and 
eighty  prisoners,  and  left  five  hundred  of  the  enemy  killed  or 


60  EXPEDITION   TO    DISMEMBER   THE    UNION 

wounded  on  the  field.  The  loss  of  General  Brown  was  seventy -nine 
killed,  two  hundred  and  thirty-two  wounded,  and  two  hundred  arid 
sixteen  missing.  On  the  night  of  the  21st,  the  British  raised  the 
siege,  and  retired  with  their  whole  army.  The  Americans,  how- 
ever, soon  after  abandoned  Fort  Erie  of  their  own  accord,  and  trans- 
porting themselves  to  the  other  shore,  terminated  the  third  invasion 
of  Canada.  This  was  done  under  the  orders  of  General  Izard,  who, 
arriving  at  head  quarters  on  the  9th  of  October,  took  command  as 
superior  officer. 

In  the  meantime,  an  expedition  had  been  projected  by  the 
enemy,  to  dismember  the  Union  by  an  invasion  along  the  line  of 
Lake  Champlain.  The  scheme  was  not  unlike  that  proposed  by 
Burgoyne  in  the  revolutionary  war ;  and,  as  at  that  time,  the  English 
officers  boasted  of  the  certainty  of  success.  It  was  thought  a  portion 
of  New  York  or  New  England,  might  be  permanently  annexed  to 
the  British  crown ;  and  there  were  even  those  among  the  enemy 
who  believed  that  the  city  of  New  York  itself,  would  be  captured  by 
the  expedition.  The  force  collected  for  the  purpose,  boasted,  indeed, 
threatenirrg  numbers.  Napoleon  having  abdicated  at  Fontainbleau, 
in  April,  and  the  British  troops  in  Europe  being  left  without  em- 
ployment, large  detachments  of  them  were  shipped  to  Canada,  where 
they  arrived  during  the  months  of  July  and  August,  1814,  to  the 
number  of  thirty-five  thousand.  After  garrisoning  the  various  posts, 
and  despatching  reinforcements  to  the  Niagara,  there  remained  about 
fourteen  thousand  men,  with  whom  the  British  General  marched  on 
Plattsburg,  a  town  on  the  river  Saranac,  near  its  junction  with 
Lake  Champlain. 

The  whole  force  of  the  Americans  left  here,  was  but  fifteen  hun- 
dred, commanded  by  Brigadier  General  Macomb;  for  General 
Izard,  a  few  days  before,  had  carried  off  with  him  most  of  the  troops 
to  Niagara.  But  Macomb  was  equal  to  the  emergency :  his  genius 
made  up  for  the  want  of  soldiers.  On  the  6th  of  September,  the 
enemy  appeared  before  Plattsburg.  After  some  sharp  skirmishing, 
Macomb  retired  across  the  Saranac,  to  an  entrenched  camp  on  the 
opposite  shore,  tearing  up  the  planks  of  the  bridge  as  he  retreated, 
and  with  them  strengthening  his  defences.  The  enemy,  attempting 
to  follow  him,  was  repulsed.  From  this  day,  until  the  llth,  the 
British  contented  themselves  with  erecting  batteries  opposite 
Macomb's  position.  Meantime,  the  foe  was  busily  engaged  in  fitting 
out  a  fleet,  with  the  intention  of  capturing  that  of  McDonough, 
lying  in  Plattsburg  bay.  On  the  18th,  the  English  squadron  appeared 
in  sight,  ani  bearing  down  on  the  American  fleet,  began  the  action. 


BURNING    OP    THE    CAPITOL.  61 

Simultaneously,  the  land  forces  of  the  enemy  attempted  to  carry 
Macomb's  position,  but  were  repulsed  at  every  point  of  attack. 
Finally,  the  British  ships  being  captured,  and  night  approaching, 
the  battle  ceased.  As  soon  as  darkness  had  settled  on  the  landscape, 
the  enemy  precipitately  abandoned  the  field,  and  began  a  retreat. 
Thus,  at  the  head  of  fifteen  hundred  regulars,  and  three  thousand 
militia,  Macomb  defeated  an  army  fourteen  thousand  strong,  com- 
posed of  the  very  elite  of  the  conquerors  of  the  Peninsula.  The  loss 
of  the  American  land  forces  was  only  ninety -nine,  that  of  the  fleet, 
one  hundred  and  ten.  The  British  squadron  lost  in  killed,  wounded, 
prisoners,  and  missing,  one  thousand  and  fifty ;  their  army  was  di- 
minished by  the  same  casualities,  at  least  twenty-five  hundred. 

In  another  quarter  of  the  United  States,  however,  an  invasion  of 
the  enemy  was  more  successful.  In  August,  an  expedition  destined 
to  act  against  Washington  appeared  in  the  Chesapeake,  and  having 
effected  a  landing  at  Benedict,  on  the  Patuxent,  began  its  march 
towards  the  Capital.  The  force  of  the  British  was  about  five  thou- 
sand, commanded  by  General  Ross.  The  Americans,  to  the  number 
of  three  thousand,  more  than  half  of  whom  were  militia,  were  led 
by  General  Winder,  who,  finding  it  impossible  to  make  head  against 
the  enemy,  fell  back  to  Bladensburg,  where,  on  the  24th,  he  was 
joined  by  a  reinforcement  of  twenty-one  hundred  men,  exclusive  of 
Commodore  Barney,  at  the  head  of  his  marines.  Here  the  Ameri- 
cans made  a  stand.  But  the  armies  were  too  nearly  equal  in  num- 
ber to  allow  the  invading  one  to  be  defeated  by  the  illy  disciplined 
levies  of  General  Winder.  The  only  portion  of  the  field  properly 
contested,  was  that  occupied  by  Commodore  Barney  and  his  marines. 
These  poured  such  a  destructive  fire  into  the  enemy,  flushed  from 
the  easy  defeat  of  the  militia,  that  he  staggered,  arid  was  thrown  into 
momentary  confusion.  A  few  more  such  brave  marines,  or  another 
Barney  at  the  opposite  side  of  the  field,  would  have  saved  the  day. 
But  General  Ross  perceiving  the  scanty  numbers  of  these  troops, 
poured  his  columns  upon  them,  and  charging  them  on  both  flanks 
and  in  front,  simultaneously,  gained  the  victory.  Barney  fell 
wounded  into  the  hands  of  the  foe,  as  did  also  Colonel  Miller,  of  the 
marineSj  Meantime,  the  militia  fled,  panic-struck,  in  all  directions, 
abandoning  Washington  to  the  enemy.  General  Ross,  following  up 
his  success,  entered  the  capital  that  evening,  and  proceeded  with 
Vandal  barbarity  to  burn  the  public  buildings.  The  Capitol,  the 
President's  mansion,  the  War,  Treasury,  arid  Navy  offices,  shared 
this  fate.  The  old  excuse  of  the  burning  of  Newark,  in  Canada,  was 
offered  for  this  outrage ;  a  better  one  would  have  been  that  the  coa 

VI 


62  ASSAULT    UPON    FORT    MC  HENRY. 

querors.  so  lately  from  the  Peninsula,  had  become  debauched  by  tha 
wars  of  Europe.  To  men  brutalized  by  a  long  series  of  hostilities  in 
a  half  savage  country  ;  to  men  who  had  sacked  Badajoz,  and  ravaged 
half  of  Spain  ;  the  wanton  destruction  of  an  enemy's  Capitol,  ap- 
peared a  slight  offence  against  civilization  and  humanity.  It  is  the 
proud  boast  of  America,  that  under  similar  circumstances,  and  when 
ths  siege  was  infinitely  more  irritating,  the  public  edifices  of  Mexico 
were  sacredly  respected. 

The  Briiish  retired  from  Washington  on  the  evening  of  the  25th, 
and  on  the  29th,  embarked  from  Benedict.  Their  loss  in  this  expe- 
dition is  estimated  at  four  hundred  killed  or  wounded  ;  while  it  is 
believed  five  hundred  deserted,  or  were  made  prisoners.  Simulta- 
neously with  this  attack  upon  the  Capital,  two  other  detachments 
had  been  sent  out  from  the  fleet,  one  against  Alexandria,  the  other 
up  the  Chesapeake.  The  attack  on  Alexandria  proved  successful, 
and  the  town  was  preserved  from  the  torch  only  by  the  sacrifice  of 
all  its  vessels  and  merchandize.  The  foray  up  the  Chesapeake  was 
more  unfortunate  for  the  British.  Near  Bellair,  Sir  Peter  Parker, 
who  led  the  expedition,  landed  to  assault  a  body  of  militia,  but  was 


FOB!  MC  HKNRT. 


driven  back,  receiving  a  wound,  by  which  he  died  in  a  few  minutes. 
The  enemy,  flushed  with  success  at  Washington,  now  moved  upon 


OPERATIONS    IN    CHESAPEAKE    B^T.  63 

Baltimore,  where  he  expected  as  easy  a  triumph,  and. a  richer  prize, 
for  it  was  now  a  maxim  with  the  invaders  only  to  attack  for  the 
purpose  of  booty.  But  meantime,  the  country  was  rising  to  its  de- 
fence. In  an  incredibly  short  interval,  fifteen  thousand  armed  men 
had  been' collected  at  Baltimore,  under  the  command  of  General 
Samuel  Smith,  an  officer  of  the  Revolution,  in  whom  the  fire  of 
military  genius  had  not  yet  suffered  diminution.  Batteries  were 
hastily  erected,  and  a  ditch  dug  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  town  ;  the 
only  line  where  it  was  available  by  land.  Ten  thousand  men  were 
stationed  to  defend  these  works.  The  approach  to  Baltimore  by 
water  was  guarded  by  Fort  Me  Henry,  by  obstructions  sunk  in  the 
channel  of  the  river,  and  by  two  heavily  constructed  batteries  be- 
tween Fort  McHenry  and  the  city. 

On  the  12th  of  September,  the  enemy  debarked  his  land  forces,  to 
the  number  of  five  thousand  men,  at  North  Point,  fourteen  miles 
below  Baltimore.  A  detachment  twenty-two  hundred  strong,  under 
General  Strieker,  having  been  sent  forward  in  anticipation  of  this  land- 
ing, to  skirmish  with  the  enemy  and  impede  his  progress,  a  sort  of 
running  action  began,  which  continued  throughout  the  day ;  the 
Americans  slowly  retreating  before  the  superior  numbers  of  the  Bri- 
tish. During  the  early  part  of  the  combat,  General  Ross,  the  Eng- 
lish commander,  was  killed.  By  evening,  General  Strieker  had  re- 
tired to  within  half  a  mile  of  the  American  entrenchments,  where  he 
rested.  On  the  ensuing  day,  the  enemy  was  seen  moving  in  heavy 
masses  to  the  right,  as  if  intending  to  reach  the  city  by  a  circuitous 
route,  but  General  Smith,  concentrating  his  forces  in  that  direction, 
frustrated  the  design.  Night  fell,  when  the  enemy  took  post  within 
a  mile  of  the  works,  intending  to  storm  them  as  soon  as  the  attack 
by  water  had  succeeded. 

Here,  however,  the  British  met  with  an  unexpected  repulse.  The 
bombardment  of  Fort  McHenry  began  at  sunrise,  on  the  13th,  and 
continued  throughout  that  day  and  the  succeeding  night,  though 
without  reducing  the  fortress.  Under  cover  of  the  darkness,  several 
rocket  vessels  and  barges  ascended  past  Fort  McHenry,  but  being 
detected,  were  received  with  a  heavy  cannonade.  They  maintained 
their  course,  however,  until  they  arrived  opposite  the  lesser  forts, 
where  they  met  such  a  deadly  fire  that  they  hastened  to  retire — one 
of  their  flotilla  being  sunk  with  all  on  board.  When  morning  dawned, 
a  consultation  was  held  between  the  commanders  of  the  English  fleet 
and  army,  and  the  resolution  taken  to  abandon  the  expedition.  Ac- 
cordingly, the  troops  retired  to  North  Point,  where  they  embarked 
the  same  evening,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  15th,  the  people  of 


64  ATTACK    ON  FORT    BOWYER. 

Baltimore  were  gladdened  by  the  sight  of  the  English  sails,  whiten 
ing  the  bay,  in  their  retreat.  The  British  lost  in  this  affair  about 
three  hundred ;  the  Americans,  two  hundred  and  thirteen.  During 
ihe  whole  series  of  operations  the  militia  behaved  with  the  greatest 
spirit,  and  amply  redeemed  the  conduct  of  the  same  species  of  force 
at  Bladensburg.  Indeed,  the  whole  number  of  regulars  at  Balti- 
more, exclusive  of  marines,  was  but  seven  hundred. 

The  enemy  had  projected,  simultaneously  with  this  attack,  an 
expedition  against  our  southern  waters.  Towards  the  close  of 
August,  General  Jackson,  whose  head-quarters  had  been  at  Mobile 
since  the  termination  of  the  Creek  war,  received  intelligence  that  an 
English  squadron  had  appeared  at  Pensacola,  where  it  was  harbored 
by  the  Spanish  Governor.  Information  was  also  obtained  that  a 
second  squadron,  accompanied  by  ten  thousand  troops,  was  soon  to 
arrive  at  Pensacola,  whence  a  descent  was  to  be  made  on  some  con- 
venient point  on  the  American  coast,  most  probably  New  Orleans. 
General  Jackson,  having  vainly  remonstrated  with  the  Governor  of 
Pensacola,  for  receiving  and  granting  assistance  to  the  British,  now 
proceeded  to  call  on  the  neighboring  states  for  reinforcements,  with 
the  intention  of  punishing  this  infraction  of  the  law  of  nations. 
Meanwhile,  Colonel  Nichols,  the  Commander  of  the  enemy's  forces, 
issued  a  proclamation,  supremely  ridiculous  considering  the  circum- 
stances, calling  on  the  people  of  Louisiana,  Tennessee  and  Kentucky, 
to  "  throw  off  the  yoke  under  which  they  had  been  so  long  groan- 
ing." Simultaneously,  also,  he  attempted  to  enlist  in  his  service  a 
band  of  nautical  marauders,  half  smugglers,  half  pirates,  who  had 
formed  quite  an  extensive  settlement  at  the  island  of  Barrataria,  on 
the  coast  of  Louisiana.  These  lawless  men  were  commanded  by  a 
person  named  Lafitte.  This  individual,  instead  of  accepting  the 
terms  of  Colonel  Nichols,  revealed  them  to  the  Governor  of  Louisi- 
ana, at  the  same  time  communicating  important  information  respect- 
ing the  designs  of  the  British.  Lafitte  was  offered,  in  return,  an 
amnesty  for  himself  and  followers,  if  he  would  join  the  Americans. 
This  proposition  was  accepted,  and  the  haunt  at  Barrataria  broken 
up.  Subsequently,  at  the  siege  of  New  Orleans,  Lafitte  and  his 
men  rendered  important  services. 

On  the  15th  of  September,  while  General  Jackson  was  awaiting 
reinforcements  at  Mobile,  a  British  squadron  appeared  off  Fort 
Bowysi,  thirty  miles  below  the  town,  and  immediately  began  an 
attack.  A  tremendous  cannonade,  on  both  sides,  was  continued  for 
three  hours,  when  the  enemy's  squadron  retired,  having  suffered 
immense  slaughter.  The  flag-ship  ran  aground,  and  was  set  on  fire 


DEFENCE  OF  NEW  ORLEANS.  65 

by  her  surviving  crew  ;  for  out  of  one  hundred  and  seventy  men  in 
her,  only  the  Captain  and  twenty  escaped.  At  the  moment  of  the 
naval  attack,  Colonel  Nichols,  with  a  force  of  three  hundred  and 
thirty  British  and  Indians  was  debarked  for  a  land  attack ;  but  the 
fire  of  the  fort  soon  destroyed  all  hopes  of  his  success,  and,  after  the 
retreat  of  the  squadron,  he  retired  to  Pensacola  by  land.  Thither, 
on  the  6th  of  November,  General  Jackson,  having  been  reinforced 
by  two  thousand  Tennessee  militia, followed  him;  and  immediately 
despatched  a  flag  to  the  Governor  of  Pensacola,  demanding  redress 
for  his  late  conduct.  The  flag  was  fired  on  and  compelled  to  retire. 
On  the  following  day,  General  Jackson  stormed  the  town,  and  after 
capturing  one  of  the  batteries,  forced  the  Governor  to  capitulate. 
In  consequence  of  the  loss  of  Pensacola,  the  British  left  the  bay,  and 
General  Jackson  returned  to  Mobile. 

The  design  of  the  enemy  to  attack  New  Orleans  having  now  be- 
come public,  General  Jackson  hurried  to  assume  the  command  of  that 
important  post.  He  left  Mobile  accordingly  on  the  22nd  of  Novem- 
ber, and  reached  his  destination  on  the  2nd  of  December.  His 
presence  was  the  salvation  of  the  city.  He  found,  on  his  arrival, 
that  scarcely  any  preparations  had  been  made  to  repel  the  projected 
invasion ;  and  that  the  most  vigorous  measures  would  be  necessary 
in  consequence,  to  place  the  town  and  its  approaches -in  a  state  of 
defence.  Moreover  the  city  was  full  of  disaffected  persons,  who 
carried  intelligence  almost  daily  to  the  enemy.  To  check  these 
treasonable  practices,  as  well  as  to  give  him  that  despotic  control 
over  the  labor  of  the  citizens,  which  was  necessary  in  the  emergen- 
cy, he  applied  to  the  Legislature  to  repeal  the  habeas  corpus  act. 
The  Legislature  hesitated.  As  no  time  was  to  be  lost,  General 
Jackson  cut  short  further  discussion  by  proclaiming  martial  law. 
The  inhabitants  were  now  ordered  down  to  the  lines,  to  work  on  the 
fortifications,  without  regard  to  their  wealth.  The  whole  country 
by  which  the  city  could  be  approached  was  personally  examined 
by  the  General,  and  defences  constructed  at  all  proper  points.  These 
preparations  were  increased  when  a  fleet  of  gun-boats,  on  which  the 
General  had  placed  much  dependence,  was  attacked  in  the  lakes  to 
the  east  of  the  city,  and  overcome  by  superior  forces.  In  a  word, 
General  Jackson  availed  himself  to  their  utmost  extent  of  all  the 
materials  for  defence  within  his  reach;  and  by  his  promptitude, 
energy,  and  vast  resources  of  mind,  infused  confidence  into  both 
citizens  and  army. 

On  the  5th  of  December,  the  enemy  had  Arst  appeared  off  the 
coast ;  on  the  14th  he  had  captured  the  American  gun-boats ;  and 
vi*  9 


66  BATTLE    OP    NEW    ORLEANS. 

on  the  23rd,  availing  himself  of  a  pass,  called  the  Bayou  Bienvenne, 
which  unfortunately  had  been  left  unguarded,  he  fell  on  an  advanced 
guard  of  the  Americans,  made  its  members  prisoners,  and  pushing 
rapidly  on,  reached  the  bank  of  the  Mississippi  at  two  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon.  The  road  to  the  city  was  now  open  before  him.  In  this 
crisis,  General  Jackson,  instead  of  waiting  to  be  attacked,  resolved 
boldly  to  march  out  and  assail  the  British.  He  arrived  at  their 
position  about  five  o'clock.  Their  flank  being  exposed  to  the  water, 
Commodore  Patterson's  armed  schooner,  the  Caroline,  was  sent, 
under  cover  of  the  night,  to  assail  it,  which  was  done,  the  guns 
being  aimed  by  the  British  watch-fires.  This  was  the  first  intima- 
tion the  foe  had  of  his  danger.  Simultaneously  the  American  land 
forces  attacked  the  right,  centre  and  left,  of  the  enemy.  His  camp 
was  carried  on  the  right,  and  the  slaughter  along  his  front  was  ex- 
cessive. But,  extinguishing  their  watch-fires,  the  British  rallied  to 
the  combat,  when  a  close  and  well  contested  combat  ensued.  In 
the  end,  General  Jackson  drew  off  his  men  in  consequence  of  a 
dense  fog.  He  lay  on  the  field  all  night,  but  thought  it  most  pru- 
dent to  retire  in  the  morning  to  a  stronger  position,  two  miles  nearer 
the  city.  In  this  action,  the  enemy  numbered  about  three  thousand. 
The  loss  of  the  Americans,  in  killed,  wounded  and  missing,  was  two 
hundred  and  thirteen  :  that  of  the  British  two  hundred  and  eighty- 
two.  This  battle  may  be  said  to  have  decided  the  fate  of  New  Or- 
leans. It  inspired  confidence  among  the  Americans,  while  it  fore- 
warned the  enemy  that  his  expedition  was  to  produce  more  hard 
blows  than  booty. 

In  his  new  position,  which,  strong  by  nature,  was  rendered  stronger 
by  art,  General  Jackson  leisurely  awaited  the  approach  of  the  foe. 
On  the  28th,  the  main  body  of  the  British  having  landed,  their  com- 
mander, Sir  Edward  Packenham,  advanced  within  half  a  mile  of 
the  American  works  and  began  a  bombardment  and  cannonade. 
The  American  batteries  replied,  however,  with  such  spirit,  and  were 
so  well  sustained  by  an  armed  vessel  in  the  river,  that  the  enemy 
retired  with  loss.  On  the  1st  of  January,  another  unsuccessful  at- 
tempt was  made  on  General  Jackson's  lines.  Between  this  and  the 
8th,  each  army  received  accessions  of  force,  so  that  the  American 
numbers  were  raised  to  seven  thousand,  and  the  British  to  twelve 
thousand.  On  the  morning  of  that  day  Sir  Edward  Packenham 
made  a  grand  assault  on^his  enemy's  lines ;  but  notwithstanding  his 
troops  were  all  tried  veterans,  and  those  of  Jackson  raw  militia,  in- 
differently armed,  he  was  repulsed  with  immense  slaughter.  The 
loss  of  the  Americans  was  but  seventy-one  in  killed,  wounded  and 


COMMODORE    PORTER    IN    THE    PACIFIC.  67 

missing.  The  British  lost  two  hundred  and  ninety-three  killed, 
twelve  hundred  and  sixty-seven  wounded,  and  four  hundred  and 
eighty-four  prisoners  and  missing.  The  mortality  among  their  officers 
was  excessive,  Sir  Edward  Packenham  being  among  the  killed.  We 
cannot  record  his  death  without  a  reflection  on  the  chances  of  for- 
tune. It  had  been  originally  intended  that  the  Duke  of  Wellington 
should  lead  the  expedition  against  New  Orleans  ;  and,  had  (this  hap- 
pened, that  great  General  might  have  perished  in  Packenham's  place, 
and  Waterloo  never  have  been  won  ! 

The  British  now  hastened  to  abandon  their  enterprise.  Embark- 
ing their  troops  they  retired  to  Fort  Bowyer,  which  surrendered  to 
this  immense  force.  Here  they  remained  until  the  news  of  peace, 
which  arrived  in  the  following  month.  It  was  doubly  fortunate  for 
the  United  States  that  the  expedition  against  New  Orleans  had  failed, 
since,  tempted  by  the  possession  of  so  great  a  prize,  the  enemy  might 
have  found  some  excuse  for  setting  aside  the  treaty  of  Ghent.  In 
that  event  a  long  and  sanguinary  war  on  the  Mississippi  must  have 
followed,  and  though  America  would  eventually  have  triumphed, 
because  fighting  on  her  own  soil,  the  victory  could  only  have  been 
purchased  by  an  immense  expenditure  of  blood  and  treasure.  The 
battle  of  New  Orleans  was  the  closing  act  of  the  drama.  It  remains 
for  us  only  to  notice  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  before  bringing  this  narra- 
tive to  an  end.  Yet,  preliminary  to  doing  this,  let  us  pass  in  hasty 
review  the  naval  history  of  1814. 

Towards  the  close  of  1812,  Commodore  Porter,  in  the  frigate  Es- 
sex, had  sailed  from  the  Delaware.  Missing  a  rendezvous  with 
Bainbridge,  at  Brazil,  he  proceeded,  pursuant  to  a  discretion  vested 
in  him,  around  Cape  Horn,  and  began  a  war  on  the  British  com- 
merce in  the  Pacific.  He  remained  in  this  quarter  of  the  globe  for 
more  than  twelve  months,  during  which  he  lived  at  the  enemy's  ex- 
pense, and  captured  twenty  vessels,  carrying  in  all  one  hundred  and 
seven  guns.  The  value  of  these  prizes  was  estimated  at  two  and  a  half 
millions  of  dollars.  At  last,  in  March,  1814,  while  lying  at  Valparaiso, 
the  British  frigate  Phoebe,  carrying  thirty-eight  guns,  and  a  sloop  of  war 
which  had  been  fitted  out  expressly  to  capture  Porter,  appeared  off  the 
port.  In  a  few  days  the  Essex,  attempting  to  get  to  sea,  carried  away 
her  main-top  mast.  Unable  to  return  into  harbor,  she  anchored  near 
the  shore.  The  English  ships  now  attacked  her,  and  placing  themselves 
out  of  reach  of  her  cannonades,  opened  with  their  long  guns,  of  which 
fortunately  for  them,  their  armament  was  composed.  Disabled  from 
manoeuvring,  and  exposed  to  a  fire  he  could  but  feebly  return,  for 
he  had  but  three  long  twelve-pounders,  Porter  was  finally  compelled 


68  NAVAL    BATTLES. 

to  surrender.  He  lost  fifty-eight  killed,  and  sixty-six  wounded ;  the* 
British  losing  but  five  killed  and  ten  wounded.  This  battle  was 
fought  on  neutral  waters,  and  was  therefore  a  violation  of  the  laws 
of  nations ;  but  England  has  never  hesitated  to  act  in  a  similar  man- 
ner when  her  interest  required  it. 

This  reverse  was  followed,  however,  by  numerous  victories. 
The  sloop-of-war  Peacock,  Captain  Warrington,  on  the  29th  of 
April,  1814,  captured  the  British  brig-of-war  Epervier.  of  about 
equal  force.  In  this  action  the  enemy  lost  eight  killed,  and  fifteen 
wounded;  the  Americans  only  two  wounded.  On  the  28th  of 
June,  the  sloop-of-war  Wasp,  Captain  Blakely,  captured  the  Rein- 
deer, of  slightly  superior  force,  after  one  of  the  most  hotly  contested 
naval  engagements  of  the  war.  The  British  lost  twenty-five  killed, 
including  their  captain,  and  forty-two  wounded  ;  the  Americans  lost 
five  killed,  and  twenty-one  wounded.  On  the  .first  of  September, 
Captain  Blakely  took  the  Avon,  a  sloop-of-war  of  twenty  guns.  On 
the  23d,  he  captured  a  British  brig,  the  Atalanta,  which  he  sent  into 
the  United  States.  From  that  day  to  this,  nothing  has  ever  been 
heard  of  the  gallant  Blakely,  or  his  ship.  They  probably  perished 
ill  a  tempest. 

The  war  was  now  virtually  over,  since  peace  had  been  concluded 
at  Ghent,  but  this  being  as  yet  unknown,  the  naval  combats  continued. 
On  the  14th  of  January,  1815,  in  gallantly  attempting  to  get  out  of 
New  York  harbor,  Commodore  Decatur,  in  the  President,  was  pur- 
sued and  captured  by  the  British  blockading  squadron.  In  this  action 
the  Americans  lost  twenty-four  killed,  and  fifty-five  wounded.  On 
the  20th  of  February,  Commodore  Stewart,  in  the  Constitution,  took 
the  'Cyane  and  Levant — the  first  of  thirty-four  guns,  the  last  of 
twenty-two.  The  loss  of  the  British  was  seventy-seven  in  killed  and 
wounded  ;  that  of  the  Americans  fifteen.  On  the  23d  of  March,  the 
Hornet,  a  sloop-of-war,  of  eighteen  guns,  commanded  by  Captain 
Biddle,  captured  the  British  brig-of-war  Penguin,  of  nineteen  guns. 
In  this  action  the  enemy  lost  forty-two  in  killed  and  wounded ;  the 
Hornet  twelve. 

We  have  already  narrated  the  offer  of  Russia  to  mediate  between 
England  and  the  United  Spates ;  the  refusal  of  the  former  to  accept 
this  mediation ;  her  agreement,  however,  to  appoint  commissioners  to 
treat  of  a  peace ;  and  the  alteration  in  the  powers  of  the  American  em- 
bassy, to  enable  them  to  act  under  these  new  circumstances.  In  the 
Spring  of  1814,  these  powers  were  sent  to  Europe,  and  Henry  Clay 
and  Jonathan  Russell  added  to  the  United  States  Commissioners 
The  place  of  meeting  was  first  appointed  at  Gottenburg,  but  finally 


TREATY    OF    PEACE.  69 

changed  to  Ghent.  The  British  plenipotentiaries  arrived  at  the  latter 
place  on  the  6th  of  August,  but  showed  little  earnestness  fora  treaty 
until  after  the  news  of  Chippewa,  Lundy's  Lane,  Plattsburg,  and  Bal- 
timore. On  intelligence  of  these  events,  foreboding  a  long,  and  pro- 
bably disastrous  war,  the  high  tone  of  the  English  Commissioners 
lowered,  and  on  the  24th  of  December,  1814,  a  treaty  was  finally 
signed.  •  In  this  document,  no  notice  was  taken,  of  the  question 
of  impressment,  which  appears  a  singular  circumstance  at  first  sight; 
but  we  have  endeavored  to  explain  the  reasons  for  the  omission  in 
the  first  book  of  this  narrative.  The  articles  of  the  treaty  provided 
for  the  restoration  of  all  possessions  taken  by  either  power,  during 
the  war,  with  the  exception  of  the  islands  in  the  Bay  of  Passama- 
quoddy,  whose  destination  was  to  be  referred  to  arbitrators.  Various 
questions  of  boundary  were  left  to  be  decided  in  the  same  way. 
Both  parties  agreed  to  desist  from  warfare  with  all  tribes  of  Indians 
with  whom  they  were  engaged  in  hostilities,  provided  such  tribes 
ceased  warlike  operations,  on  being  notified  of  the  treaty.  By 
another  article,  England  and  the  United  States  stipulated  to  do  all 
they  could  to  abolish  the  slave  trades.  Other  provisions  were  in- 
serted in  the  treaty,  but  they  related  chiefly  to  prizes  and  prisoners, 
and  were  such  as  are  usual  on  all  like  occasions.  This  treaty  was 
ratified  by  England,  on  the  28th  of  December,  1814,  and  by  the  Uni- 
ted States  on  the  17th  of  February,  1815.  A  commercial  treaty  was 
subsequently  negotiated  between  the  two  countries  during  the 
year  1815. 

Thus  closed  a  war  in  which  little  was  nominally  gained,  but  much 
in  reality.  By  it,  indeed,  the  United  States  consummated  their  inde- 
pendence, which  hitherto,  so  far  as  regarded  England  at  least,  had 
not  fully  existed.  In  other  words,  the  war  of  1812,  freed  the  popu- 
lar mind  in  America,  from  a  sort  of  provincial  reverence  for  Great 
Britain.  It  also  removed  that  dread  of  her  military  prowess  which 
had  descended  from  the  revolutionary  epoch,  but  which  was  wholly 
unbecoming  a  nation  so  vigorous  as  the  United  States  had  since 
become.  It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  the  military  spirit  of  the 
Republic,  which  has  since  shone  with  such  brilliancy,  had  its  birth 
in  the  war  of  1812. 

The  early  misfortunes  of  the  war,  considered  in  this  light,  were 
not  without  their  benefits.  They  forced  the  nation  to  put  forth  its 
whole  strength,  and  thus  developed  a  capacity,  of  the  existence  of 
which,  even  she  had  been  ignorant.  From  that  hour  the  United 
States  took  a  prouder  stand  among  the  nations  of  the  earth.  From 
that  hour  her  flag  was  respected.  More  than  thirty  years  hava 


70 


TREATY    OF    PEACE. 


elapsed  since  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  yet  England  has    never  ro 
newed    her  claim   of  impressment,  nor   is    it  probable  that   sh« 
ever  will. 


WILLIAM    HULL. 


HAT  it  required  the  wa. 
of  1812  to  consummate 
our  independence,  is 
proved  by  the  military 
operations  which  led  to 
the  surrender  of  Detroit. 
Our  enterprise  and  saga- 
city in  commerce  was 
admitted;  but  even  a 
portion  of  our  own  citi- 
zens laughed  at  our  pre- 
tensions to  arms.  It  was 

said  that  we  could  not  withstand  the  power  of  Great  Britain  for  six 
months.  An  uneasy  feeling  of  provincial  weakness,  and  a  profound 
awe  of  our  old  enemy  possessed,  in  part,  the  public  mind,  and  espe- 
cially influenced  those  officers  who,  by  their  rank,  services  and  ex- 
perience, would  naturally  be  looked  to  in  the  emergency  of  war. 
Hence,  during  the  earlier  periods  of  the  contest,  most  of  our  Generals 
regarded  any  attempt  to  overthrow  the  veteran  armies  of  England 
va  10  73 


74  WILLIAM    HULL. 

as  worse  than  useless.  Mistrusting  their  troops,  but  most  of  all 
themselves,  they  invited  defeat  by  their  moral  cowardice.  In  no 
other  manner  can  we  explain  the  conduct  of  General  William  Hull, 
in  the  surrender  of  Detroit.  With  his  overpowering  force  he  ought 
to  have  been  confident  of  success.  It  is  now  apparent,  that  if  he  had 
put  on  a  bold  front,  he  would  have  achieved  a  glorious  triumph ; 
opened  the  war  with  eclat ;  and  forced  Great  Britain,  two  years 
earlier,  to  listen  to  terms  of  peace.  He  was  conquered  by  his  own 
fears,  not  by  the  prowess  of  the  enemy. 

William  Hull  was  born  in  1753,  and  served,  with  some  distinction, 
in  the  War  of  Independence,  as  an  officer  in  the  continental  line. 
He  was  present  in  several  of  the  hardest  fought  battles  of  that  period, 
and  distinguished  himself  uniformly  as  a  soldier  of  spirit,  industry 
and  bravery.  He  rendered  himself  especially  conspicuous  on  the 
glorious  field  of  Saratoga,  and  afterwards  at  Stony  Point.  On  his 
retirement  from  the  army,  Hull  settled  in  Massachusetts,  where,  in 
1796,  he  was  chosen  a  Major-General  of  the  state  militia.  Like 
others  of  the  officers  of  the  Revolution,  he  sought  and  obtained  em- 
ployment from  the  Federal  Government;  for,  in  1805,  he  was  ap- 
pointed Governor  of  Michigan  Territory.  This  office  he  continued 
to  hold  until  his  disgrace  and  ruin.  When,  in  1812,  it  became 
probable  that  war  would  be  declared  with  Great  Britian,  an  army, 
to  be  composed  chiefly  of  volunteers  and  militia,  was  ordered  to  be 
raised  on  the  north-western  frontier,  for  the  two-fold  purpose  of 
holding  the  Indians  in  check,  and  opening  the  expected  contest  with 
eclat.  The  command  of  this  force  was  bestowed  on  Hull,  with  the 
rank  of  Brigadier-General  in  the  United  States  army.  The  soldiers 
mustered  at  Dayton,  in  Ohio,  on  the  1st  of  June,  1812,  and,  after  a 
long  and  toilsome  march,  reached  the  Miami  of  the  Lake  on  the  30th 
of  the  month.  Here  Hull  received  a  despatch  from  the  war  office, 
requesting  him  to  quicken  his  movements.  Accordingly  he  embarked 
his  baggage,  stores,  sick  and  convalescent,  in  a  vessel  bound  for  De- 
troit, continuing  his  marchr  with  the  main  body  of  the  army  by  land. 
Up  to  this  period  he  had  received  no  intimation  of  the  declaration 
of  hostilities,  a  culpable  negligence  on  the  part  of  our  government  which 
has  never  been  properly  explained.  But  the  day  after  the  embarka- 
tion of  the  stores,  a  letter  arrived  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  written 
under  the  same  date  as  that  to  which  we  have  alluded,  and  which 
Hull  had  received  several  days  before  by  a  special  messenger.  He 
now  pressed  forward  to  the  River  Raisin,  alarmed  for  the  safety  of 
his  stores.  Here  his  fears  were  verified.  He  learned  that  the  Bri 
tish  had  received  intelligence  of  the  declaration  of  war,  at  all  their 


WILLIAM    HULL.  75 

posts,  in  advance  of  himself;  and  that  in  consequence  his  stores  had 
been  captured  in  passing  the  fort  at  Maiden.  This  disaster,  so  early 
in  the  campaign,  like  an  ill  omen  weighed  on  his  spirits  from  that 
hour. 

Pursuing  his  march  he  soon  reached  Detroit,  and  immediately 
proceeded,  under  instructions  from  the  war  office,  to  invade  Canada, 
Indeed,  in  the  United  States,  the  most  sanguine  expectations  had 
already  been  formed  of  the  result  of  his  expedition ;  but  these,  how- 
ever, were  not  common  to  all  classes ;  large  numbers,  affected  by 
the  feeling  we  have  alluded  to,  doubted  secretly  of  his  success.  On 
the  12th  of  July  he  crossed  the  river  Detroit,  and  pitched  his  camp 
at  Sandwich,  with  the  professed  intention  of  marching  against  Mai- 
den, a  post  which  it  was  of  importance  to  reduce,  since  it  lay  in  the 
way  to  intercept  all  supplies  forwarded  from  the  United  States. 
There  can  be  no  doubt,  if  Hull  had  pushed  forward  at  once  to  Mai- 
den, that  the  place  would  have  surrendered.  The  fort  there  was  in 
a  most  dilapidated  condition,  nor  was  it  until  a  week  later  that  it 
was  rendered  defensible  ;  the  garrison  numbered  but  seven  hundred 
men,  of  which  six  hundred  were  lukewarm  militia,  and  indifferent 
savages ;  and,  to  add  to  the  chances  of  success,  the  population  of 
the  neighborhood  was  very  generally  disaffected,  and  ready,  as  were 
also  the  Indians  of  the  vicinity,  to  join  whatever  side  promised,  by 
a  successful  first  blow,  to  gain  the  ascendancy.  Only  eighteen 
miles  interposed  between  Hull  and  Maiden.  A  rapid  summer  day's 
march  would  have  brought  him  to  the  gates  of  his  enemy.  He  had 
nearly  two  men  where  his  opponent  had  one.  Yet  he  lingered 
for  three  weeks  at  Sandwich  without  striking  a  blow.  There  are 
few  things  in  history  as  inexplicable  as  this  conduct,  and  nothing 
but  the  solution  we  have  given  can  unriddle  it. 

His  behavior  appears  the  more  singular  when  we  come  to  follow 
the  transactions  of  these  three  weeks  into  detail.  During  his  stay  at 
Sandwich  different  detachments  penetrated  the  country  sixty  miles 
into  the  interior,  and  everywhere  found  the  inhabitants  friendly. 
The  royal  militia  at  Ahmetsburg,  opposite  Maiden,  was  daily  desert- 
ing. Nor  was  this  all.  A  party  of  American  soldiers,  commanded 
by  Colonels  Cass  and  Miller,  on  the  16th  of  July,  assailed  a  British 
outpost  at  the  bridge  over  the  Canard,  a  river  but  four  miles  distant 
from  Maiden,  and  drove  the  picket  back  upon  the  fort,  where  the 
fugitives  arrived  panic-struck,  spreading  terror  and  confusion  among 
the  garrison.  The  enemy,  satisfied  that  Hull  was  advancing  with 
all  his  strength,  knew  scarcely  what  to  do ;  and  had  there  been  a 
sufficient  force  at  hand  to  take  advantage  of  this  dismay,  Maiden. 


76  WILLIAM    HULL. 

i 

would  have  fallen  before  sunset.  Even  on  the  ensuing  morning, 
when  the  enemy  had  partially  recovered  from  his  alarm,  if  Hull  had 
brought  up  all  his  troops,  and  made  a  vigorous  attack,  the  place 
must  have  surrendered.  But,  instead  of  doing  this,  he  sharply 
reprehended  Cass  and  Miller  for  having  exceeded  orders  in  making 
'heir  attack,  and  directed  that  they  should  immediately  return  to  camp, 
unless  they  were  prepared  to  assume  all  the  responsibility  of  holding 
their  position,  and  that,  too,  without  reinforcements.  Perhaps  age,  as 
well  as  dread  of  British  prowess,  had  something  to  do  with  this  con- 
duct. To  quote  the  epigramatic  remark  of  another, "  he  who,  in  1777, 
would  have  fought  or  died  without  care,  in  1S12,  with  not  much  of 
life  left,  was  fearful  of  losing  that  little." 

Yet  his  mind  evidently  vacillated,  and  for  a  space  he  appeared  to 
have  regained  a  portion  of  his  old  daring.  In  fact,  the  strictures  of 
his  younger  officers  had  reached  his  ears,  and  he  began  to  show  a 
disposition  for  more  vigorous  measures.  He  gave  out  that  he 
would  lead  the  army  directly  to  Maiden.  There  seems,  indeed,  no 
reason  to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  his  intentions.  The  artillery  for 
which  he  had  waited,  was  now  ready.  It  had  been  proved  by  the 
affair  at  Canard,  that  the  British  were  not  invincible.  His  troops,  to 
a  man,  were  eager  to  be  led  forward.  Accordingly,  the  ammunition 
was  placed  in  wagons,  the  cannon  fixed  on  floating  batteries,  and 
every  other  preparation  for  the  attack  made.  But,  at  this  point  Hull 
stopped,  and  became  suddenly  irresolute.  He  had  just  received  in- 
telligence of  the  fall  of  Mackinaw,  a  fort  situated  on  the  island  of 
that  name,  commanding  the  passage  between  Lakes  Huron  and 
Michigan,  which  had  been  surprised  by  the  enemy,  its  commandant 
receiving  the  first  intimation  of  the  war  on  his  surrender.  This  dis- 
astrous news  was  backed  by  information  of  the  rising  of  the  Cana- 
dians and  Indians,  both  of  whom,  foreseeing  Hull's  fall  in  his  inac- 
tivity, began  to  take  arms  for  the  British.  The  very  thought  that 
by  advancing  and  sustaining  a  defeat,  his  army  might  become  a  prey 
to  the  savages  filled  his  mind  with  horror.  He  countermanded  his 
orders,  and  re-crossed  the  river  to  Detroit,  on  the  7th  of  August. 

He  had  begun  his  career  in  the  Canadian  territory  by  a  vaunting 
proclamation ;  he  finished  it  by  a  temerity  which  made  him  the  scorn 
even  of  his  own  troop's.  He  had  commenced  with  the  inhabitants 
favorable  to  him ;  he  ended  by  alienating  them  forever.  Far  differ 
ent  was  the  conduct  of  General  Brock,  the  British  commander  in  that 
region.  Receiving  intelligence  on  the  25th  of  June,  of  the  declara- 
tion of  war,  he  hastened  to  plan  the  capture  of  Fort  Mackinaw,  and 
.his  scheme  having  been  crowned  with  success,  his  audacity  in 


WILLIAM    HULL.  77 

creased,  and  he  conceived  the  idea,  not  only  of  driving  Hull  from 
Canada,  hut  of  capturing  him  within  the  territories  of  the  United 
States.  Brock,  .indeed,  seems  to  have  despised  his  adversary  as  much 
ae  the  latter  feared  Brock.  In  furtherance  of  his  design,  Brock 
superseded  Colonel  St.  George  in  the  command  of  the  district,  and 
appointed  in  his  place  Colonel  Proctor,  a  skilful  officer,  obedient, 
active,  daring,  and  unscrupulous,  The  wisdom  of  his  choice  was 
soon  vindicated,  for  Hull,  having  sent  out  a  detachment  of  two  hun- 
dred men  to  open  his  rear  for  a  convoy,  Proctor,  ever  on  the 
watch,  fell  on  the  party,  and  totally  routed  it,  with  the  loss  of  nearly 
seventy  men.  A  second  detachment,  led  by  Colonel  Miller,  was 
more  successful,  defeating  the  British,  and  routing  their  Indian  ally, 
Tecumseh ;  but  this  body  Hull  refused  to  support  after  its  victory, 
and  finally  commanded  its  return  to  camp,  where  it  arrived  just  in 
time  to  be  included  in  the  surrender. 

As  Hull  retreated,  Brock  had  advanced,  and  on  the  14th  of  August, 
took  post  at  Sandwich,  opposite  his  adversary's  camp.  Here  he  threw 
up  a  battery,  Hull  refusing  to  annoy  him.  In  vain  the  American 
officers  solicited  permission  to  open  a  fire  on  their  enemy ;  in  vain 
they  desired  to  be  led  to  the  charge,  in  order  to  spike  his  cannon.  A 
mortal  terror  of  his  foe  seemed  now  to  have  seized  Hull.  The  vision 
of  defeat  constantly  pursued  him,  and  the  sanguinary  tomahawk  was 
ever  present  to  his  fancy.  He  would,  even  at  this  early  stage,  have 
grasped  at  a  truce,  as  the  only  hope  of  safety.  "  If  you  will  give 
permission,"  said  the  brave  Dalliba,  "  I  will  clear  the  enemy  on  the 
opposite  shore  from  the  lower  batteries."  "  Mr.  Dalliba,"  said  the 
weak  old  man,  "  I  will  make  an  agreement  with  the  enemy,  that  if 
they  will  not  fire  on  me,  I  will  not  fire  on  them."  Even  the  success 
of  Colonel  Miller's  detachment  could  not  inspire  him  with  hope. 
"Nothing  has  been  gained  by  it  but  honor,"  he  said  despondingly, 
"  and  the  blood  of  seventy-five  men  has  been  shed  in  vain."  A  per- 
son in  such  a  frame  of  mind,  was  ill  fitted  to  cope  with  a  General  as 
enterprising  and  bold  as  Brock.  It  needed  the  impetuosity  of  youth 
in  that  crisis,  not  the  drivelling  caution  of  old  age.  A  Croghan 
would  have  saved  the  day,  which  a  Hull  ignominiously  lost. 

On  the  15th,  Brock  sent  a  boat  across  the  river,  with  a  summons 
of  unconditional  surrender.  It  found  Hull  in  a  moment  of  re-action, 
and  he  returned  a  spirited  refusal.  The  refusal  had  scarcely  been 
transmitted,  however,  before  he  regretted  it.  Brock  appears  to  have 
lead  his  adversary's  character  thoroughly.  An  enemy,  under  ordi 
nary  circumstances,  would  have  taken  some  precautions,  in  crossing 
a  hostile  river,  with  an  inferior  force ;  but  though  the  British  Gene- 

VII* 


78  WILLIAM    HULL. 

ral  had  only  twelve  hundred  men,  and  Hull  thirteen  hundred  and 
fifty,  the  former  boldly  embarked  in  broad  day,  under  cover  merely 
of  a  slight  cannonade.  No  attempt  was  made  to  oppose  his  landing. 
The  American  leader  had  already  expressed  to  several  of  his  officers 
an  opinion  that  a  capitulation  would  be  necessary ;  and  accordingly 
when  Brock  drew  up  his  troops,  and  marched  to  the  assault,  orders 
were  sent  to  the  advanced  parties  not  to  fire.  The  command  was 
heard  with  indignation.  Tears  of  shame  arid  rage  rose  to  the  eyes 
of  the  men,  and  the  officers  talked  of  marching  back  and  displacing 
their  commander.  But  it  was  now  too  late. 

The  position  of  the  army  would  have  warranted  a  defence  against 
twice  the  numbers  of  the  enemy.  The  fort,  a  work  of  regular  form 
and  great  solidity,  surrounded  by  a  wide  and  deep  ditch,  strongly 
fraised  and  palisaded,  was  defended  by  two  twenty-four  pounders, 
and  a  garrison  of  four  hundred  artillerists  and  infantry  of  the  line. 
The  town  was  held  by  three  hundred  Michigan  militia,  eager  to  de- 
fend their  firesides,  and  well  protected  by  the  houses.  Flanking  the 
approach  to  the  fort,  and  covered  by  a  high  and  heavy  picket-fence, 
were  four  hundred  Ohio  volunteers,  all  expert  marksmen,  all  indig- 
nant at  the  retreat,  all  athirst  for  glory  !  To  add  to  this,  the  detach- 
ment under  Colonel  Miller,  which  we  have  already  spoken  of  as  or- 
dered back  to  camp,  was  within  a  mile  and  a  half,  stretching  for- 
ward directly  in  the  enemy's  rear,  with  every  nerve  strained  at 
sound  of  the  cannon.  Not  a  man  in  the  American  lines  but  was 
anxious  for  the  contest.  Only  one  hesitated,  and  he  the  leader ! 
It  is  said  that  surrounded  by  the  ladies  of  his  family,  who  besought  him 
with  tears  to  save  them  from  the  savages  by  a  timely  surrender,  he 
sat  for  a  while  irresolute,  blushing  with  shame  at  the  proposed  ca- 
pitulation. But  at  last  rising  with  trembling  limbs  he  ordered 
the  white  flag  to  be  hoisted,  the  troops  to  stack  their  arms,  and  the 
outer  positions  to  be  given  up.  No  council  of  war  was  summoned. 
No  advice  was  asked  of  a  single  officer.  For  once  he  took  all  the 
responsibility  on  his  own  shoulders  ;  but  it  was  one  which  covered 
his  name  with  eternal  infamy  ! 

The  capitulation  which  followed  was  announced  amid  the  execra- 
tions of  the  troops,  the  sullen  silence  of  the  militia,  and  the  stinging 
reproaches  of  the  women  of  Detroit.  It  was  such  a  one  as  might 
have  been  expected  from  Hull's  panic.  Everything  was  given  up, 
even  more  than  was  asked.  Not  only  the  territory,  in  its  length  and 
breadth,  was  yielded  to  the  enemy, but  the  supplies  at  the  river  Rai 
sin,  and  the  absent  detachment  were  included  in  the  surrender.  This 
was  done,  moreover,  at  the  suggestion  of  Hull  himself.  He  seemed 


WILLIAM    HULL.  75 

to  be  guided  by  a  morbid  desire  to  save  blood,  and  to  crave  his  an- 
tagonist's mercy  by  abandoning  everything  to  him.  He  engaged  that 
the  militia  should  not  serve  again  until  exchanged.  Yet  he  forgot  to 
make  any  stipulation  in  favor  of  the  Canadians  who  had  joined  his 
army ;  but  sacrificed  them  to  the  anger  of  the  enemy.  In  short,  the 
whole  capitulation  betrayed  the  panic  in  which  it  had  its  origin. 
Hull's  surrender,  as  one  of  his  cotemporaries  remarked,  was  the  re- 
sult of  "  an  ignorance  that  knew  not  what  to  do  ;  of  a  self-sufficiency 
refusing  to  be  instructed;  and  of  a  cowardice  that  in  its  terrors, lost 
all  sense  of  national  interest,  personal  dignity  and  professional  duty." 
As  for  Brock,  he  could  scarcely  conceal  his  surprise  at  this  wonder- 
ful success.  "  I  hasten  to  apprize  your  excellency,"  he  said,  writing 
to  his  superior,  Prevost, "  of  the  capture  of  this  very  important  post. 
Twenty-five  hundred  prisoners  have  this  day  surrendered  prisoners  of 
war,  and  about  twenty-five  pieces  of  ordnance  have  been  taken  with- 
out the  sacrifice  of  of  a  drop  of  British  blood.  I  had  not  more  than 
six  hundred  troops,  including  militia,  and  about  six  hundred  Indians 
to  accomplish  this  service.  When  I  detail  my  good  fortune  your 
excellency  will  be  astonished." 

Yet  Hull  can  scarcely  be  called  a  coward  in  the  ordinary  sense  of 
the  term.  Cowardice  is  applied  in  military  affairs  at  least,  to  physical 
rather  than  to  moral  terror.  There  are  many  men  willing  to  brave 
death  on  the  battlefield,  who  shrink  from  assuming  responsibility  in 
critical  and  uncertain  emergencies.  Hull  had  fought  bravely  in  the 
revolutionary  war,  and  would  probably  have  fought  bravely  again 
as  a  subordinate.  Had  he  been  a  Colonel  in  the  north-western  army, 
with  a  Jackson  at  its  head,  a  portion  of  the  inflexible  character  of 
his  superior  might  have  been  imparted  to  him.  His  whole  career 
proves  that  though  brave  enough  when  he  could  lean  on  others, 
he  was  not  accustomed  to  depending  on  himself.  Personally  he  had 
no  fear  of  death ;  but  he  shrank  from  the  responsibility  of  bringing  it 
on  others.  It  is  probable  that  if  there  had  been  no  Indians  in  the 
British  army,  he  might  have  made  a  bolder  stand,  for  dread  of  the 
savages  was  a  prevailing  feature  of  that  day.  But  the  conviction 
that  England  was  invincible,  and  that  it  was  a  waste  of  blood  and 
treasure  to  combat  her,  seems  to  have  been  the  leading  cause  which 
produced  Hull's  surrender.  He  began  the  campaign  with  uneasy 
fears  of  her  superiority,  and  these  fears  were  increased  by  the  bold 
and  dashing  enterprise  on  Mackinaw.  It  has  been  well  remarked 
that,  from  the  day  that  fort  fell,  Hull  was  conquered. 

The  news  of  the  capitulation  at  Detroit  was  received  in  the  United 
States  with  incredulity  at  first,  and  subsequently  with  curses  of  rage 


80  WILLIAM    HULL. 

and  shame.  The  astonishment  of  the  people,  who  had  expected  to 
hear  of  the  conquest  of  all  Canada,  could  not  have  been  greater.  A 
re-action  from  hope  to  despair  was  the  consequence.  Those  who 
had  been  most  confident  became  the  most  desponding.  The  cry  was 
that  the  war  would  ruin  us.  The  New  England  states,  which  had 
denounced  the  invasion  of  Canada  as  unjust  and  irreligious,  pointed 
to  thp  late  disaster  as  a  rebuke  sent  by  Providence,  and  exhorted  the 
militia  to  refuse  crossing  the  border.  Never,  perhaps,  since  the  War 
of  Independence,  and  in  the  period  immediately  preceding  the  battle 
of  Trenton,  was  the  public  mind  so  despondent.  Bat  suddenly  news 
ame  of  a  victory,  so  unexpected,  so  brilliant,  so  far  beyond  ordina- 
ry calculation,  that  the  nation  was  flung  into  transports  of  joy.  We 
allude  to  the  capture  of  the  Guerriere.  The  fall  of  Detroit  now 
ceased  to  call  the  blush  of  shame  to  American  cheeks,  for  it  was 
more  than  set  off,  in  the  popular  estimation,  by  this  triumph.  If  the 
flag  of  the  republic  had  been  trailed  in  the  dust  on  the  north-western 
frontier,  the  red  cross  of  Britain  had  been  struck  down  on  her  native 
element,  the  sea ! 

So  great  was  the  public  indignation  at  Hull's  surrender,  that,  for 
a  while,  he  was  regarded  as  a  traitor,  who  had  sold  his  country  to 
the  enemy.  He  had  been  carried,  with  his  officers,  to  Montreal, 
where  the  English  entered  the  city  with  their  captives  in  mock  pro- 
cession ;  but  subsequently,  having  been  exchanged,  he  was  brought 
to  trial  before  a  court-martial,  found  guilty  of  cowardice,  and  con- 
demned to  be  shot.  In  consideration,  however,  of  his  age  and 
past  services,  the  court  recommended  him  to  mercy  ;  and  the  Pre- 
sident humanely  suffered  him  to  live,  though  not  without  first  strik- 
ing his  name  from  the  army  roll.  The  charge  of  treason  was 
abandoned  as  unfounded.  There  is  one  redeeming  feature  in  the 
history  of  Hull,  as  connected  with  this  transaction.  He  made  no 
attempt  to  excuse  himself  before  the  public,  by  endeavoringto  incul- 
pate his  officers  in  his  crime ;  but  stated  frankly,  and  at  once,  that 
the  whole  blame  should  rest  on  himself.  In  summing  up  his  cha- 
racter, we  must  regard  him  as  a  man  of  weak,  though  not  despicable 
intellect ;  possessed  of  mere  animal  courage,  but  with  little  moral 
firmness ;  as  a  soldier,  good  enough  for  subordinate  stations,  but  to- 
tally unequal  to  a  superior  command. 

Hull  endeavored  to  exculpate  himself  before  the  public,  by 
printing,  in  1814,  a  defence  of  his  conduct.  But  he  did  not  succeed. 
In  1824,  he  again  appeared  as  an  author,  by  publishing  a  memoir 
of  the  campaign  of  1812,  together  with  a  sketch  of  his  revolutionary 
serriees.  He  died  in  1825,  aged  seventy-two. 


MA8SACB3  AT  THE  RtTZB  RAISIX 


JAMES    WINCHESTER 


•AMES  WINCHESTER,  a  Bri- 
gadier-General in  the  army  of 
the  United  States,  was  born  in 
Maryland,  about  the  year  1756. 
He  served  during  the  war  of  In- 
|  dependence  in  a  subordinate  capacity,  and 
I  subsequently  removed  to  Tennessee,  where 
',  he  rose  to  considerable  influence.  Possessed 
I  of  an  ample  fortune,  conciliating  in  manners, 
'  and  ambitious  as  well  as  brave,  he  became 
the  successful  candidate,  in  1812,  for  the  office  of  Brigadier  from  his 
adopted  state.  His  competitor  was  Andrew  Jackson,  then  compara- 
tively an  obscure  man,  out  of  Tennessee.  It  is  said  that  the  deci- 
sion in  favor  of  Winchester  was  made  at  the  instigation  of  the  mem- 
ber of  Congress  from  his  district,  who  feared  that  if  Winchester  was 
not  put  into  the  army,  he  might  become  a  formidable  opponent  in  the 
ensuing  election, 

11  81 


82  JAMES    WINCHESTER. 

The  ignominous  surrender  of  Hull,  had,  at  this  period,  filled  the 
whole  west  with  grief  and  indignation.  The  best  and  bravest  of  her 
sons,  especially  from  Kentucky,  pressed  forward  to  offer  themselves 
as  volunteers,  and  within  a  month  from  the  fall  of  Detroit,  a  gallant 
army  had  assembled,  breathing  vengeance  for  the  late  disgrace,  and 
resolved  not  to  return  until  the  British  conquests  had  been  regained. 
Two  competitors  presented  themselves  for  the  command  of  this  force. 
The  first  was  Winchester,  who  claimed  it  as  senior  Brigadier ;  the 
other  was  William  Henry  Harrison,  who  had  been  created  a  Major- 
General  by  the  Governor  of  Kentucky,  expressly  to  supersede  Win- 
chester. Harrison  was  popular  with  the  troops ;  Winchester  was  not. 
In  the  end,  the  difficulty  was  adjusted  by  the  Federal  Government, 
which  assigned  to  Harrison  the  chief  command.  Accordingly  the 
army  put  itself  in  motion  for  a  winter's  campaign,  the  Comman- 
der-in-chief leading  the  right  wing,  and  Winchester  the  left. 

Winchester,  after  relieving  Fort  Wayne,  in  September,  moved 
down  to  the  site  of  old  Fort  Defiance,  where  a  new  post  was  estab- 
lished, called  Fort  Winchester.  Here,  the  General,  by  perseverance 
in  conciliatory  measures,  succeeded  in  gaining  the  popularity  of  his 
troops.  After  building  a  sufficient  number  of  large  canoes,  to  trans- 
port their  baggage  down  the  Maumee  to  the  Rapids,  the  volunteers 
left  this  camp  in  November,  and  advanced  in  the  direction  of  the 
enemy.  The  way  was  long,  difficult,  and  wild.  The  troops,  as  yet, 
were  destitute  of  winter  clothing,  though  snow  was  on  the  ground 
and  ice  forming  fast.  Provisions  soon  failed,  and  for  fourteen  days 
the  gallant  Kentuckians  subsisted  on  hickory  roots,  elm  bark,  and 
the  beef  of  a  few  cattle  killed  in  a  state  of  starvation.  At  last  a 
supply  of  warm  clothing  was  received,  and  the  troops  moved  for- 
ward with  re-animated  bosoms.  It  was  at  this  period  that  an  inci- 
dent occurred,  characteristic  of  the  generosity  of  the  western  people. 
The  volunteers  from  Kentucky  were  the  first  to  receive  their  winter 
clothing,  and  a  regiment  of  regulars  remained  for  a  long  time  after- 
wards with  no  protection  against  the  inclement  weather,  except 
linen  fatigue  dresses.  The  brave  Kentuckians  insisted  that  this 
regiment  should  be  exempt  from  camp  duty,  and  be  allowed  to 
remain  by  their  fires  :  and  they  carried  their  humane  point. 

It  was  on  the  8th  of  January,  when  the  order  was  issued  to  march 
to  the  Rapids.  The  snow  lay  twenty-seven  inches  deep  on  a 
dead  level,  and  the  men  had  to  harness  themselves  to  sleighs,  in 
order  to  transport  the  baggage.  Yet,  intense  as  the  cold  was,  the 
everlasting  swamps  of  that  region  were  not  hard  frozen.  Through 
incalculable  difficulties  the  troops  of  Winchester  pressed  forward, 


JAMES    WINCHESTER.  89 

and  in  about  ten  days  reached  the  Rapids.  In  the  meantime  a  mes- 
senger had  arrived  in  camp  from  the  village  of  Frenchtown,  on  the 
Raisin,  a  small  stream,  emptying  its  waters  into  the  north-west  angle 
of  Lake  Erie  ;  the  inhabitants  terrified  at  the  approach  of  the  enemy, 
solicited  aid  from  Winchester.  Accordingly,  Colonels  Lewis  and 
Allen,  were  detached  with  six  hundred  men.  This  little  band,  on 
the  18th  of  January,  1813,  reached  the  river  Raisin,  and  defeated  a 
combined  English  and  Indian  force,  five  hundred  strong,  led  by 
Major  Reynolds,  of  the  Canadian  militia.  The  effect  of  this  victory 
was  electric.  The  inhabitants  of  Frenchtown  were  filled  with  exul- 
tation, and  while  two  days  before  they  had  thought  only  of  escaping 
the  tomahawk  of  the  savage,  now,  they  considered  nothing  but  in 
what  way  best  to  pursue  the  enemy.  Nor  was  the  excitement  less 
at  Winchester's  camp.  Every  man  there  felt  as  if  it  had  been  the 
greatest  misfortune  of  his  life  to  be  left  behind  when  Lewis  marched 
on  Frenchtown,  and  all,  with  one  voice,  demanded  to  be  led  forward 
in  order  to  share  what  there  was  of  glory  yet  remaining.  Little  did 
they  imagine  the  dark  and  bloody  tragedy  in  store  for  them. 

On  the  21st  of  January,  Winchester  put  his  troops  in  motion  for 
the  Raisin.  The  way  lay  partially  through  the  woods,  where  the  snow 
was  two  feet  deep,  partially  along  the  borders  of  the  lake,  where 
the  ice  almost  blocked  up  the  passage  ;  these  were  obstructions  suffi- 
cient to  deter  ordinary  men,  but  the  indomitable  spirit  of  the  Ken- 
tuckians  was  not  to  be  disheartened.  Winchester  reached  French- 
town  on  the  evening  of  the  21st;  he  found  Colonel  Lewis,  who  was 
an  officer  of  experience  in  Indian  wars,  posted  in  enclosed  gar- 
dens, with  an  open  field  on  his  right.  The  reinforcement  brought 
by  Winchester,  numbered  about  three  hundred,  and  was  commanded 
by  Colonel  Wells,  who  being  of  the  regular  army,  outranked  Lewis, 
who  belonged  to  the  volunteers.  Wells  demanded  to  be  posted  on 
the  right,  as  the  station  due  to  his  superiority  in  rank  ;  and  to  this 
claim  Winchester  yielded,  placing  Wells,  in  consequence,  in  the  open 
field.  Had  the  advice  of  Lewis  been  taken,  who  recommended  that 
Wells  should  be  stationed  in  some  gardens  on  his  left,  the  result 
of  the  day  might  have  been  different. 

Meanwhile,  Proctor  having  heard  at  Maiden  of  the  defeat  of  Rey- 
nolds, was  hastening  forward  with  all  his  disposable  force.  On  the 
morning  of  the  22d,  just  after  dawn,  he  prepared  for  the  assault. 
Covering  his  right  with  artillery,  and  his  flanks  with  Indian  marks- 
men, he  advanced  at  first  gallantly,  but  when  he  had  approached 
within  musket  shot  of  the  pickets,  was  met  by  so  galling  and  inces- 
sant a  fire,  that  this  part  of  his  army  fell  into  confusion.  On  the  left 


84  JAMES    WINCHESTER. 

however,  he  was  more  successful.  Perceiving  the  exposed  situation 
of  the  detachment  under  Wells,  Proctor  hastened  to  concentrate  all 
his  force  against  it.  A  furious  conflict  ensued  on  this  part  of  the 
field.  Sharp  and  rapid  vollies  of  musketry  followed  in  succession 
from  either  side,  over  which  occasionally  rose  the  whoop  of  the  In- 
dians, or  the  cheers  of  the  brave  Kentuckians.  But  that  little  band, 
unprotected  as  it  was,  could  not  long  hold  out  against  overwhelming 
numbers.  After  the  action  had  lasted  about  twenty  minutes,  Win- 
chester saw  that  his  position  was  untenable,  and  ordered  Wells  to 
fall  back  and  gain  the  enclosures  of  Lewis.  But  at  the  first  symptom 
of  this  retreat,  the  enemy  redoubled  their  exertions,  and  pressed  so 
obstinately  on  the  Americans,  that  the  line  soon  got  into  disorder. 
A  panic  now  seized  the  men,  who  had  just  defended  themselves  so 
bravely,  and  mistaking  the  command  to  fall  back,  for  a  direction  to 
retreat,  they  rushed  to  the  river,  which  they  crossed  on  the  ice,  and 
began  to  fly  through  the  woods,  in  the  direction  of  the  Rapids. 
Exhilarated  by  victory,  the  British  gave  pursuit,  the  chase  being  led 
by  the  savages,  who  tasted,  in  anticipation,  the  blood  of  the  fugi- 
tives. In  vain  Winchester,  riding  among  the  men,  endeavored  to 
rally  them ;  in  vain  Colonels  Lewis  and  Allen,  hurrying  from  their 
enclosures,  with  a  company  of  fifty  men  each,  struggled  to  check  the 
torrent  of  defeat.  Nothing  would  avail.  Allen  fell  bravely  fighting 
in  the  desperate  attempt ;  while  Winchester,  with  Lewis  and  other 
officers,  were  taken  prisoners.  And  now  the  rout  became  a  mas- 
sacre. On  sped  the  panic-struck  troops,  on  came  the  Indians,  like 
tigers  who  had  tasted  blood.  Some  fell  by  merciful  rifle-balls,  some 
were  reserved  for  the  hatchet,  some  were  scalped  alive,  and  left  to 
perish  by  degrees.  Of  the  whole  of  that  chivalrous  band  which  had 
left  the  Raisin  with  Winchester  two  days  before,  all  were  slaugh- 
tered, except  forty  who  were  taken  prisoners,  and  twenty-eight  who 
were  miraculously  saved.  To  this  melancholy  catalogue  must  be 
added  the  two  companies  under  Lewis  and  Allen,  who  had  made 
the  sortie  we  have  spoken  of  in  favor  of  their  companions. 

We  have  already  seen  that  Proctor  had  been  repulsed  from  the 
enclosures  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  day.  In  that  abortive  attack  he 
had  lost  one-fourth  of  his  men,  and  would  probably  have  now  been 
glad  to  retire,  satisfied  with  his  partial  victory,  if  he  had  not  heard 
that  Winchester  was  among  the  prisoners.  His  fertile  mind  immedi- 
ately suggested  a  stratagem  by  which  he  might  yet,  perhaps,  capture 
the  whole  American  force.  Sending  for  Winchester,  he  enlarged  on 
his  large  number,  on  the  ruthlessness  of  his  savages,  and  on  the 
impossibility  of  the  remaining  portion  of  Winchester's  command  being 


JAMES    WINCHESTER.  85 

able  to  make  good  their  defence.  "  I  can  set  fire  to  every  house  in 
the  village,"  he  said,  "  and  this  my  duty  will  compel  me  to  do. 
Think  of  the  innocent  women  and  children  who  will  be  massacred 
by  the  Indians  in  consequence.  You  alone  can  avert  this  terrible 
calamity.  Order  your  subordinate  to  surrender,  and  these  miseries 
will  be  spared." 

Instead  of  replying  indignantly  to  this  brutal  threat,  Winchester 
suffered  himself  to  be  deceived  by  Proctor's  sophistry,  or  by  his  own 
humanity,  and  sent  word  to  the  garrison  that  it  was  his  advice  they 
should  surrender.  The  message,  however,  was  basely  perverted, 
for  when  Proctor's  aid-de-camp  was  introduced  to  Major  Madison, 
on  whom  the  command  had  now  devolved  by  the  capture  of  Colonel 
Lewis,  the  latter  was  informed  that  "  he  and  his  followers  had  been 
surrendered  prisoners  of  war,  by  General  Winchester,  to  the  arms 
of  his  Brittannic  Majesty."  But  Madison,  refusing  to  acknowledge 
the  right  of  a  captured  General  to  make  a  capitulation  for  his  troops, 
declared  his  determination  to  perish  where  he  stood,  with  his  gallant 
Kentuckians,  unless  more  favorable  terms  should  be  granted.  "  We 
prefer  selling  our  lives  as  dear  as  possible,"  he  said,  "  rather  than 
be  massacred  in  cold  blood."  At  last  a  solemn  stipulation  was  en- 
tered into  by  Proctor,  that  all  private  property  should  be  respected ; 
that  sleds  should  be  sent,  next  morning,  to  remove  the  sick  and 
wounded  to  Ahmetsburg,  opposite  Maiden ;  that,  meantime,  a  guard 
should  be  left  to  protect  them  from  the  savages ;  and  that  the  side 
arms  of  the  officers  should  be  restored  to  them  at  Maiden. 

On  these  conditions,  Major  Madison  surrendered,  though  reluc- 
tantly. He  would  still  have  rejected  all  proposals  for  a  capitulation, 
and  held  out  to  the  last  extremity,  but  for  a  scarcity  of  ammunition. 
That  night  the  prisoners,  about  six  hundred  in  number,  were  marched 
to  Ahmetsburg,  where  they  arrived  on  the  evening  of  the  23rd. 
Here  they  were  penned  up  in  a  muddy  and  confined  wood-yard, 
exposed  to  a  pelting  rain,  without  sheds,  tents,  or  blankets,  and  with 
scarcely  sufficient  fire  to  keep  them  from  freezing.  The  men,  on 
first  hearing  of  their  surrender,  had  broken  their  muskets  across  the 
pickets  in  rage ;  and  now  they  spent  the  night  in  muttering  execra 
tions  on  their  captors  for  this  inhuman  treatment.  But  their  fate 
was  merciful  compared  to  that  of  the  sick  and  wounded  who  had 
been  left  behind.  These,  by  the  terms  of  the  capitulation,  were  to 
have  been  conveyed  to  Ahmetsburg  in  sleds,  on  the  morning  of 
the  23rd.  But  instead  of  the  sleighs  came  two  hundred  savages, 
fainted  in  the  most  hideous  manner,  who,  rushing  upon  the  houses 
where  the  wounded  lay,  first  plundered  them  of  every  valuable,  and 

VIII 


86  JAMES    WINCHESTER. 

then  surrounding  the  habitations,  set  them  on  fire.  As  the  flames 
roared  and  crackled  to  the  sky,  the  savages  danced  around  with 
yells  of  fiendish  delight.  Some  of  the  victims,  staggering  from  their 
beds,  endeavored  to  fly.  but  their  merciless  enemies  drove  them  back 
with  exulting  whoops.  When  the  fire  smouldered  into  ashes,  the 
bones  of  sixty-four  brave  men  lay  charred  among  the  embers. 

Nothing  can  excuse  Proctor's  agency  in  this  a,ffair.  He  broke  his 
plighted  word  in  not  detailing  a  sufficient  guard  to  protect  the 
wounded.  Moreover,  one  of  his  own  officers,  a  half-breed  named 
Elliot,  on  being  told  that  most  of  the  American  Surgeons  had  been 
killed,  and  that  there  were  not  sufficient  to  attend  to  the  wounded, 
answered  inhumanly,  and  with  prophetic  meaning,  "the  Indians 
will  be  found  excellent  Doctors."  The  rage  and  despair  of  the  pri- 
soners at  Ahmetsburg,  all  of  whom  had  left  friends,  and  some 
brothers  behind,  when  they  heard  of  this  massacre,  exceeded  all 
bounds.  In  this  disastrous  battle,  and  in  the  bloody  scene  that  fol- 
lowed, so  many  of  the  best  sons  of  Kentucky  were  sacrificed,  that  it 
was  said  the  whole  commonwealth  was  plunged  into  mourning. 
The  sacrilegious  neglect  of  the  American  dead  was  another  part  of 
the  conduct  of  Proctor,  as  disgraceful,  though  not,  perhaps,  as  crimi- 
nal as  his  perfidy  to  his  prisoners.  The  corpses  were  formally  de- 
nied the  rights  of  sepulture,  and  left  a  prey  to  the  hogs  and  dogs  of 
the  village.  Some  time  afterwards  friendly  hands  were  found  to  lay 
them  piously  in  the  ground ;  but  when  the  American  army  passed 
that  way,  in  the  ensuing  summer,  the  relics  were  again  seen  ex- 
posed. They  were  buried  once  more,  and  thenceforth  slept  in  peace. 
For  his  success  in  defeating  Winchester,  Proctor  was  made  a  Briga- 
dier-General ;  but  not  a  word  of  disapproval  was  uttered  by  his 
government  in  reference  to  the  massacre. 

The  history  of  Winchester,  after  this  unfortunate  defeat,  ceases  to 
be  of  interest.  He  survived  several  years,  respected  in  private  life 
for  his  mild  and  generous  heart ;  but  suffering,  in  his  public  capacity, 
under  the  odium  of  this  disgraceful  and  fatal  repulse.  His  career  is  a 
warning  to  popular  governments,  that  &  man  without  real  capacity 
for  command,  should  never,  whatever  his  influence  or  fortune,  be 
entrusted  with  the  lives  of  his  fellow  men. 


ZEBULON  MONTGOMERY  PIKE. 


'EBULON  MONTGOM- 
ERY  PIKE,  a  Brigadier 
General  in  the  United  States 
army,  was  born  at  South 
Trenton,  in  New  Jersey,  on 
the  5th  of  January,  1779.  He  was 
an  officer  of  industry,  ability  and  pro- 
mise, though  he  perished  at  too  early 
an  age  to  fulfil  all  the  high  expectations 
that  had  been  formed  of  him.  He  was 
a  strict  disciplinarian,  and  adroit  in  the 
management  of  men.  His  courage  was  bold  and  dashing.  Fond  of 
his  profession,  ambitious  of  distinction,  and  with  many  qualities  to 
ensure  success,  it  was  the  melancholy  burden  of  his  thoughts,  as  he 
lay  on  his  untimely  death-bed,  that  he  perished  too  soon  for  glory ! 

87 


88  ZEBULON  MONTGOMERY  PIKE. 

Pike  was  destined  for  the  army  from  his  earliest  years,  his  fathei 
being  a  Major  in  the  regular  service.  He  served,  when  quite  a 
youth,  as  a  cadet  in  his  parent's  corps,  and  on  the  3rd  of  March, 
1799,  received  his  first  commission,  that  of  an  Ensign,  in  the  second 
regiment  of  infantry.  In  little  more  than  a  year  he  was  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  First-Lieutenant.  His  assiduity  soon  attracted  the 
notice  of  his  superiors,  and  in  1805,  he  was  appointed,  by  General 
Wilkinson,  to  command  an  expedition  to  explore  the  head  waters  of 
the  Mississippi.  The  detachment,  consisting  of  a  Serjeant,  a  Corpo- 
ral, and  seventeen  privates,  beside  Pike  himself,  left  St.  Louis  on 
the  9th  of  August,  1805,  and  was  absent  eight  months  and  twenty- 
two  days.  During  this  period  it  visited  numerous  tribes  of  Indians 
on  the  upper  Missouri,  and  was  the  first  to  carry  the  flag  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  into  those  remote  regions.  Pike  found  the  savages  gene- 
rally suspicious  .of  this  republic,  though  acknowledging  the  prowess 
of  its  citizens  in  war ;  and  it  soon  became  evident  to  him  that  for 
these  opinions  they  were  indebted  to  the  intrigues  of  the  English 
traders  in  that  direction.  During  the  war  of  1812,  the  sentiments, 
thus  sown,  bore  bitter  fruits,  some  of  these  very  savages  marching 
fifteen  hundred  miles  to  join  in  the  contest  against  us. 

The  admirable  manner  in  which  Pike  executed  his  task  in  this 
expedition,  induced  Wilkinson  to  despatch  him  on  an  exploration  to 
the  head  waters  of  the  Arkansas  and  Red  Rivers.  The  primary  ob- 
ject of  the  enterprise,  as  appears  from  his  instructions,  was  to  restore 
certain  Osage  captives,  recently  rescued  from  the  Potawatamies,  to 
their  homes  on  the  Grand  Osage :  the  second  was  to  effect  a  perma- 
nent peace  between  the  Kansas  and  Osage  nations ;  and  the  third 
was  to  establish  a  good  understanding  with  the  Yanctons,  Tetans, 
or  Camanches.  If  there  were  other,  and  more  secret  purposes  of 
the  expedition,  they  have  never  come  to  light.  Pike  started  from 
St.  Louis  on  the  15th  of  July,  1806.  His  party  consisted  of  a  Second- 
Lieutenant,  a  Sergeant,  two  Corporals,  sixteen  privates,  and  an  in- 
terpreter. A  professional  gentlemen,  Dr.  Robinson,  accompanied 
the  party  as  a  volunteer.  The  Indians  carried  out  by  the  expedi- 
tion, were  fifty-one  Osages  and  Pawnees. 

The  enterprise  proved  disastrous.  Near  the  head  of  the  Arkansas 
River,  Pike  lost  his  way,  and  wandered  about  for  a  month  without 
gaining  a  day's  journey  on  his  original  encampment.  The  winter  set 
in  severely ;  the  snow  lay  thick  on  the  ground ;  provisions  failed ; 
and  many  of  the  men  became  frost-bitten,  and  had  to  be  left  on  the 
road.  At  last  Pike  reached  what  he  supposed  to  be  the  Red  River, 
and  began  to  erect  a  fortification  there,  his  intention  being  to  leave 


ZEBTTLON    MONTGOMERY    PIKE,  89 

four  or  five  men  in  this  place,  when  completed,  and,  with  the 
remainder,  to  return  for  those  of  his  party  he  had  been  compelled  to 
abandon.  In  a  few  days,  however,  he  was  visited  by  a  party  of 
Spanish  dragoons,  the  commander  of  which,  first  informing  him  that 
he  was  within  the  boundaries  of  New  Mexico,  and  on  the  Rio  del 
Norte  instead  of  the  Red  River,  ended  by  civilly  requesting  his  com- 
pany at  Santa  Fe,  which  was  but  two  days  march  distant.  Under 
the  circumstances  there  was  no  resource  but  to  accede  to  a  request, 
which,  if  refused,  would  evidently  be  enforced  as  a  command.  Ac- 
cordingly Pike  accompanied  the  officer  to  Santa  Fe,  first  stipulating 
that  a  party  should  remain  at  the  fort,  in  order  to  await  the  men  for 
whom  he  had  sent  back.  On  reaching  Santa  Fe,  the  cause  of  his- 
arrest  was  explained,  in  the  notoriety  which  Burr's  exploded  designs 
on  Mexico  had  attained.  The  Spanish  Governor  had,  at  first,  sup- 
posed Pike  to  be  one  of  Burr's  emissaries.  On  discovering  his  mis- 
take, however,  he  allowed  Pike  to  return  to  the  United  States,  though 
not  until  he  had  taken  away  his  papers.  Pike's  homeward  journey 
was  pursued  through  what  is  now  Texas.  In  the  ensuing  year,  he 
published  the  results  of  his  observations,  in  a  work  entitled,  "  Geo- 
graphical, Statistical,  and  General  Observations  on  the  Interior 
Provinces  of  New  Spain ;"  and  shortly  after,  made  a  report  to  the 
government  of  his  expedition  up  the  Mississippi.  The  most  flatter- 
ing testimonials,  from  both  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  President, 
were  received  by  him  for  his  conduct  in  these  explorations.  He 
appears  indeed  to  have  possessed  every  required  qualification  except 
being  a  man  of  science. 

After  his  return  from  Mexico,  Pike  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  Cap- 
tain ;  in  1809,  to  that  of  Major ;  and  in  1810,  to  that  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel.  When  the  War  of  1812  broke  out,  he  was  advanced  to 
the  post  of  Colonel.  In  the  ensuing  year,  when  General  Dearborn 
planned  his  attack  on  York,  the  command  of  the  expedition  was 
given  to  Pike,  who  had  meantime  been  nominated  for  Brigadier.  It 
was  on  the  27th  of  April,  1813,  that  the  tragical  assault  was  made. 
The  defenders  numbered  about  eight  hundred,  half  regulars,  and 
half  militia  and  Indians,  commanded  by  General  Sheaffe.  An  ad 
verse  wind  prevented  the  landing  of  the  Americans  where  they  had 
intended,  and  accordingly  it  became  necessary  to  pass  some  thick 
woods  before  reaching  the  works.  These  woods  were  occupied  by 
a  strong  party  of  the  enemy,  who  poured  in  a  destructive  fire  as  the 
troops  approached  the  shore.  The  first  who  landed  were  the  rifle- 
men under  Major  Forsythe.  One  of  their  number,  an  especial 
favorite,  falling  almost  as  soon  as  he  sprang  on  the  beach,  the  whole 
VIII*  12 


90 


ZEBULON  MONTGOMERY  PIKE. 


corps  became  inflamed  with  a  thirst  for  revenge,  which  lent  the  most 
terrible  effect  to  their  fire.  Immediately  taking  covert  behind  the 
trees,  they  picked  off  the  troops  of  the  British  one  by  one,  Forsythe, 
it  is  said,  passing  up  and  down  the  line  behind  his  men,  and  point- 
ing out  those  who  presented  the  surest  mark.  The  slaughter  was 
terrible.  Yet  the  enemy  resolutely  held  his  ground,  until  Pike,  with 
the  main  body,  had  effected  a  landing. 

Quickly  forming  his  men,  Pike  dashed  on  in  pursuit.  After 
threading  the  wood  we  have  spoken  of,  he  came  to  an  open  ground, 
at  the  further  end  of  which  appeared  the  redoubts  of  the  enemy. 
One  of  these  soon  yielded  to  the  impetuous  attack  of  the  Americans. 
But  the  other  holding  out,  it  was  resolved  to  halt  the  column  until 
a  battery  could  be  established  of  some  light  artillery,  beneath  the 
cover  of  the  conquered  redoubt.  The  troops  being  fatigued,  the 
leading  regiments  were  allowed  to  seat  themselves  on  the  ground, 
Pike  himself,  surrounded  by  his  staff,  imitating  their  example.  In 
this  position  they  were  awaiting  the  effect  of  the  artillery,  when  sud- 


DEATH   OF  GENERAL  PIKE. 


denly  an  explosion  occurred,  shaking  earth  and  sky.  Instantly 
every  man  looked  around  in  horror.  The  explosion  was  seen  to 
proceed  from  a  magazine  of  the  enemy,  a  huge  stone  building, 


ZEBULON  MONTGOMERY  PIKE.  91 

which  had  caught  fire  hy  some  untoward  accident.  The  Americans 
were  all  within  a  compass  of  a  few  hundred  yards,  right  in  the  track 
of  this  terrible  volcano.  An  instant  or  two  elapsed  between  the 
stunning  report  and  the  fall  of  the  destructive  missiles.  The  sight 
is  described  as  having  been  awful.  At  first  a  jet  of  flame  was  seen 
shooting  to  the  sky,  followed  by  thick  puffs  of  white  smoke,  from 
the  midst  of  which  huge  fragments  of  the  wall  went  spinning  aloft, 
and  then  fell,  thick  and  fast,  over  the  field  around.  The  gigantic 
masses,  as  they  poised  a  moment  before  descending,  seemed  like 
some  black  cloud  obscuring  the  heavens :  then,  with  a  rushing  sound, 
they  came  to  the  earth,  bruising,  maiming  and  destroying  wherever 
they  touched.  In  some  places  the  fragments  fell  with  such  force  as 
to  bury  themselves  several  feet  in  the  ground.  Over  three  hundred 
individuals,  by  that  fearful  descent,  were  hurried  into  eternity,  or 
else  wounded  or  maimed  for  life. 

Pike  was  one  of  the  sufferers.  Seeing  the  huge  masses  in  the  air, 
and  knowing  that  escape  was  impossible,  he  did  not  attempt  to  rise, 
but  stooped  his  body  forward  instinctively.  A  piece  of  the  wall 
struck  him  on  the  back  as  he  bent  in  this  position,  and  gave  him  a 
mortal  injury.  Just  as  he  was  lifted  from  the  ground,  he  heard  a 
shout,  and  inquiring  what  it  was  for,  was  told  the  enemy's  flag 
was  coming  down.  He  smiled  proudly  on  hearing  this.  He  lived 
but  a  few  hours,  just  long  enough  to  be  taken  on  board  the  fleet. 
Here  he  desired  the  captured  banner  might  be  placed  under  his 
head.  He  died  thinking  of  his  wife  and  children,  and  regretting  that 
his  career  was  cut  so  short.  His  wife  was  a  woman  who  shared  all 
his  ambitious  longings,  and  would  have  incited  him  to  glory,  if  he 
had  been  less  athirst  for  it  himself.  She  heard  of  her  loss  with  the 
fortitude  of  a  Roman  matron,  and  lived  thereafter  to  cherish  his 
memory,  as  a  sacred  deposit. 

The  death  of  Pike,  and  the  explosion  of  the  magazine,  threw  the 
Americans  into  momentary  confusion,  which  General  Sheaffe  availed 
himself  of  to  abandon  his  fortifications,  leaving  the  authorities  of 
York  to  make  the  best  terms  of  surrender  they  could.  Offers  of 
capitulation  were  immediately  made,  but  while  they  were  being 
entertained,  the  enemy  set  fire  to  a  public  vessel  on  the  stocks,  and 
to  a  magazine  of  military  and  naval  stores.  The  loss  of  the  British 
in  this  affair  was  five  hundred,  in  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners ; 
that  of  the  Americans,  in  killed  and  wounded,  three  hundred  and 
twenty,  and  most  of  these  were  in  consequence  of  this  explosion.* 

Pike  was  but  thirty-four  at  the  period  of  his  death.    His  loss  was 


ZEBULON  MONTGOMERY  PIKE. 


deeply  regretted  by  the  nation,  which  had  formed  a  high  estimate 
of  his  ability.  In  the  army,  but  especially  in  his  own  regiment,  the 
grief  for  his  premature  fate  was  long  and  heart-felt. 


HENRY  DEARBORN. 


ENRY  DEARBORN,  a  Major-General 
in  the  army  of  the  United  States,'  was 
another  example  of  a  revolutionary  of- 
ficer who  failed  to  maintain  his  old  re-: 
putation.  But  as  there  are  grades  in 
unfitness  as  in  other  things,  Dearborn 
has  the  merit  of  being  less  incapable 
than  either  Wilkinson  or  Hull.  His 
fault  was  that  of  all  the  earlier  Gene- 
rals of  the  war  of  1812.  Age  had 
damped  his  ardor,  and  weakened  his  energy :  instead  of  being  the  first 
to  lead,  he  was  content  to  delegate  this  task  to  others.  Forty  years  had 

93 


94  HENRY    DEARBORN. 

completely  changed  his  character.  In  1776  he  had  been  distinguished 
for  promptitude  and  fire  ;  in  1812  he  was  remarkable  only  for  inac- 
tivity. 

Dearborn  was  a  native  of  New  Hampshire,  where  he  was  born  in 
the  year  1751.  He  received  as  good  an  education  as  the  colonies 
could  then  afford,  and  at  the  age  of  manhood,  settled  as  a  practi- 
tioner of  medicine  at  Portsmouth,  in  his  native  state.  Among  one 
of  the  most  ardent  supporters  of  the  colonial  rights,  he  did  not  hesi- 
tate, when  the  trial  of  arms  came,  to  devote  his  sword  and  life  to  his 
country ;  and  on  hearing  of  the  battle  of  Lexington,  marched,  with 
sixty  volunteers,  to  Cambridge,  a  distance  of  sixty  miles,  within 
twenty-four  hours.  He  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill, 
where  he  held  a  Captain's  commission,  in  Stark's  regiment.  He  sub- 
sequently accompanied  Arnold  to  Canada,  where  he  was  captured, 
and  at  first  closely  confined ;  but  was  afterwards  liberated  on  parole, 
and,  in  March,  1777,  exchanged.  He  was  now  attached  to  the 
army  of  Gates,  with  the  rank  of  Major,  and  shared,  with  his  compa- 
nions, the  glories  of  Saratoga.  In  the  campaign  of  1778,  he  distin- 
guished himself  at  the  battle  of  Monmouth,  in  a  manner  to  win  the 
personal  commendation  of  Washington.  In  1779,  he  formed  one  of 
the  expedition,  under  Sullivan,  against  the  Six  Nations.  His  milita- 
ry career  in  the  War  of  Independence,  closed  at  the  siege  of  York- 
town. 

After  the  conclusion  of  peace,  Dearborn  returned  to  private  life. 
On  the  elevation  of  Washington  to  the  Presidency,  he  was  appointed 
marshal  of  the  District  of  Maine.  Subsequently  he  was  twice  elected 
to  Congress  from  Maine.  In  1801,  on  the  formation  of  the  Jefferson 
administration,  he  was  appointed  Secretary  of  War,  an  office  he  held 
until  1809.  He  was  rewarded,  on  his  retirement,  with  the  collector- 
ship  of  the  port  of  Boston,  at  that  time  the  most  lucrative  post,  of 
its  character,  in  the  country.  When  the  war  with  Great  Britain  was 
declared,  he  was  made  a  Major-General,  partly  on  account  of  his  in- 
fluence, and  partly  for  his  reputation  earned  during  the  revolutionary 
struggle.  His  first  operation  in  the  autumn  of  1812,  signally  failed. 
But,  as  the  army  was  as  yet  only  partially  prepared  for  action,  bet- 
ter auspices  were  drawn  for  the  future. 

The  plan  of  campaign  for  1813,  on  the  northern  frontier,  was 
sketched  by  General  Armstrong,  the  Secretary  of  War.  He  pro- 
posed the  reduction  of  Kingston  and  York,  on  Lake  Ontario,  and  of 
Fort  George,  on  the  Niagara,  in  the  order  named.  It  was  the  opin- 
ion of  Armstrong  that  the  most  important  of  the  posts,  Kingston, 
ought  first  to  be  attacked,  since  its  fall  would  paralyze  the  operations 


HENRY    DEARBORN.  U 

)f  the  British  throughout  Canada  ;  and  in  arriving  at  this  decision  it 
must  be  confessed,  the  Secretary  of  war  evinced  more  than  his  usual 
judgment.  The  force  of  Dearborn  was  thirteen  thousand  men,  and 
that  of  the  enemy  but  three  thousand,  so  that  if  numbers  could  se- 
cure victory,  the  Americans  had  nothing  to  fear.  Besides,  Chauncey 
was  on  the  lake,  with  a  fleet,  ready  to  co-operate  with  Dearborn. 
On  a  consideration,  however,  of  the  Secretary's  plan,  Dearborn  and 
Chauncey  decided  to  assail  the  weakest  point  of  the  enemy  first, 
thus  displaying  another  instance  of  that  exaggerated  dread  of  the 
English  armies,  and  a  mistrust  in  our  own,  which  led  to  most  of  the 
disasters  during  the  first  two  years  of  the  war.  Accordingly  the  ex- 
pedition against  York  was  undertaken. 

This  post  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans  after  a  feeble  at- 
tempt at  resistance.  It  was  here  that  the  brave  Pike  lost  his  life  by 
the  explosion  of  a  magazine  ;  and  in  consequence  of  this  calamity  a 
portion  of  the  enemy  escaped,  for  Dearborn  not  being  present  on  the 
field,  and  Colonel  Peirce,  who  succeeded  Pike,  having  received  no 
orders,  a  pursuit  was  not  undertaken.  The  next  movement  was 
against  Fort  George,  which  was  abandoned  by  its  garrison  on  the 
approach  of  Dearborn.  But  here  also  the  inactivity,  or  want  of 
foresight  of  the  American  General,  permitted  the  escape  of  the  ene- 
my. If,  instead  of  concentrating  his  whole  force  on  the  water-side 
of  the  British  defences,  he  had  sent  a  sufficient  detachment  across  the 
Niagara,  below  Queenstown,  he  could  have  cut  off  all  escape.  Even 
when,  on  the  flight  of  the  garrison,  Colonel  Winfield  Scott,  on  his 
own  responsibility,  gave  pursuit,  Dearborn  recalled  him,  and  thus 
allowed  the  enemy  to  secure  a  safe  retreat.  Afterwards,  by  taking 
the  wrong  road,  he  lost  two  days  in  following  the  foe  to  Burlington 
heights ;  and  finally  closed  this  series  of  blunders  by  detaching  an 
insufficient  force,  which  was  attacked  at  Stony  Brook,  in  the  night 
of  the  5th  of  June,  and  completely  defeated.  These  failures  the  pro- 
phetic eye  of  Pike  had  foreseen  before  his  death.  "  Our  country  is 
again  doomed  to  defeat,"  he  is  reported  to  have  said,  "  if  the  opera- 
tions now  meditated  by  the  General  are  attempted  to  be  accom- 
plished." 

Dearborn's  want  of  success,  during  the  twelve  months  he  had  been 
in  command,  had  now  led  to  a  very  general  demand  on  the  part  of 
the  public,  that  he  should  be  recalled.  Not  only  had  he  signally 
failed  in  his  attempt  on  Canada  in  the  autumn  of  1812,  but  after- 
wards, when  full  time  had  been  allowed  to  discipline  his  troops,  and 
when  the  government  had  given  him  the  most  unlimited  discretion- 
ary powers,  his  campaign  had  presented  only  a  series  of  disasters. 


96  HENRY    DEARBORN. 

With  an  army  never  less  than  thirty-five  hundred  men,  he  had  been 
foiled  by  an  enemy  rarely  numbering  a  thousand.  After  the  defeat 
of  Chandler  and  Winder  at  Stony  Brook,  Dearborn  had  withdrawn 
his  forces  to  Fort  George ;  and  the  enemy,  though  much  inferior  in 
numbers,  emboldened  by  these  signs  of  fear,  had  advanced  in  the 
direction  of  that  post,  in  order,  as  the  British  General  wrote  in  his 
despatches,  "to  circumscribe  the  range  of  the  American  troops, 
and  compel  them  to  live  on  their  own  resources."  Aroused  by 
these  encroachments,  Dearborn  determined  to  send  out  a  detach- 
ment to  attack  the  enemy.  A  last  opportunity  to  redeem  him- 
self was  here  presented;  but  he  wanted  either  the  sagacity  or 
energy  to  avail  himself  of  it.  If  he  had  despatched  Scott  and  Miller, 
both  known  to  be  active  and  able  officers,  with  fifteen  hundred  men 
each,  he  might  have  crushed  the  British ;  but  instead  of  this  he  chose 
Colonel  Boerstler,  an  officer  proved  by  no  particular  service,  with 
but  five  hundred  and  forty  men,  to  operate,  beyond  sustaining  dis- 
tance, against  a  rapid,  practised  and  vehement  foe.  The  conse- 
quences were  such  as  might  have  been  foreseen.  Boerstler  was 
surrounded  and  compelled  to  surrender. 

When  intelligence  of  this  last  disaster  reached  the  city  of  Washing- 
ton, Congress  was  in  session,  and  an  informal  committee  was  immedi- 
ately appointed,  to  wait  on  the  President  and  solicit  the  recall  of  Dear- 
born. Madison  complied,  and  the  order  was  despatched  that  day.  In 
consequence  of  this  removal,  the  operations  of  the  northern  army  were 
suspended,  for  General  Boyd,  the  second  in  command,  was  ordered 
to  do  nothing  until  the  arrival  of  Wilkinson,  Dearborn's  successor. 
In  justice  to  the  retiring  General  it  must  be  stated  that  he  had  been 
ill  for  more  than  a  month  before  his  removal ;  that  his  army  was 
becoming  rapidly  thinned  by  sickness ;  and  that  he  had  been  left 
almost  entirely  without  regimental  officers.  Moreover,  about  this 
period,  the  command  of  the  lake  was  temporarily  lost.  But  Dear- 
born, nevertheless,  appears  to  have  been  wanting  in  the  requisites  of 
a  successful  General ;  for  he  displayed  a  torpor  and  indecision,  which, 
whether  resulting  from  age  or  natural  incapacity,  produced  the  most 
unfortunate  results. 

After  his  recall,  Dearborn  was  ordered  to  assume  command  of  the 
military  district  of  New  York  city.  His  subsequent  life  presents  few 
incidents  worthy  of  record  here.  In  1822,  during  the  administration 
of  Monroe,  he  was  appointed  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Portugal ; 
but  he  did  not  long  hold  this  honorable  post,  being  recalled,  two 
years  later,  at  his  own  request.  He  survived  only  a  short  period, 
dying  in  1829,  at  the  age  of  seventy-eight 


JAMES    WILKINSON. 


AMES    WILKINSON,  a 

Major-General  in  the  army  of  the 
United   States,  had  distinguished 
himself  in  the  revolutionary  war,  but 
failed  in  the  present  contest  to  maintain 
his  former  reputation.    He  was,  in  fact, 
disqualified  for  a  supreme  command, 
though  capable    of   discharging   with 
credit  the  duties  of  a  subordinate.   The 
disgraceful  termination  of  the  attempt  on 
Canada,  in  the  autumn  of  1813,  is  to  be 
Attributed  chiefly  to  him.    At  the  head  of  the  most  imposing  force 
which  had  yet  been  concentrated  on  the  northern  frontier,  he  had 
ix  13  97 


98  JAMES    WILKINSON. 

advanced  to  a  convenient  distance  of  Montreal,  when  suddenly  he 
abandoned  his  design,  and  retired  to  French  Mills,  to  the  chagrin  of 
all  his  abler  officers.  His  excuse  for  this  conduct,  was  the  want  of 
concert  on  the  part  of  General  Hampton.  But  this  is  an  insufficient 
justification.  The  battle  of  Williams  burg,  in  which  the  enemy  had 
met  a  check,  left  the  road  to  Montreal  comparatively  open,  and  it  needed 
only  a  bold  and  vigorous  push  to  carry  that  important  place.  But 
there  was  nothing  heroic  about  Wilkinson.  He  was  a  gentleman  of 
polished  address,  and  a  methodical  officer,  but  not  a  great  General. 
He  was  fitted  to  follow  rather  than  lead.  His  pompous  manner,  his 
affectation  of  military  knowledge,  and  his  jealous  spirit,  all  marked 
the  second-rate  man,  attempting  to  conceal  his  deficiencies  by  noise 
and  bluster. 

Wilkinson  was  born  in  Maryland,  in  the  year  1757.  He  was 
educated  for  a  physician,  and  began  his  medical  career  in  1775,  but 
the  War  of  Independence  breaking  out  in  that  year,  he  yielded  to  a 
partiality  he  had  always  experienced  for  the  military  life,  and  repaired 
to  the  camp  at  Cambridge.  In  March,  1776,  he  was  rewarded  with 
a  Captain's  commission.  He  served  in  Canada  under  Arnold,  and 
subsequently  in  New  Jersey,  under  Washington.  At  first,  his 
advance  was  rapid.  In  January,  1777,  he  was  elevated  to  the  rank 
of  Lieutenant-Colonel.  When  General  Gates  was  appointed  to  the 
northern  army,  he  offered  Wilkinson  the  post  of  Aid-de-camp,  a 
flattering  tender,  which  the  young  soldier  accepted,  resigning  for  that 
purpose  his  commission  in  the  line.  Appointed  Adjutant-General 
by  his  patron,  he  served  with  industry  and  ability,  until  the  surren- 
der of  Burgoyne,  when  he  was  despatched  by  Gates  to  inform  Con- 
gress of  the  capitulation.  Wilkinson  stopped  so  long  at  Reading,  on 
his  way  to  Philadelphia,  that  the  felicitous  news  reached  the  capi- 
tol  before  him ;  but  notwithstanding  his  laggard  pace,  Congress  was 
so  delighted  with  the  intelligence,  that  he  was  rewarded  with  the  rank 
of  Brigadier.  A  keen  rebuke,  however,  was  administered  by  Roger 
Sherman,  who,  in  seconding  the  motion,  proposed  to  amend  it,  by 
voting  the  messenger  a  whip  and  a  pair  of  spurs.  When  Gates 
became  President  of  the  Board  of  War,  Wilkinson  was  appointed 
his  Secretary.  Having  been  implicated  in  the  cabal  against  Wash- 
ington by  the  conduct  of  Gates,  a  rupture  occurred  between  the 
patron  and  pupil,  and  Wilkinson,  in  consequence,  resigned  his 
post  as  Secretary,  as  also  his  brevet  of  Brigadier.  He  was,  however, 
subsequently  appointed  Clothier-General  of  the  army. 

At  the  close  of  the  war,  Wilkinson  settled  in  Kentucky,  where  he 
embarked  in  trade;  but  soon  becoming  disgusted  with  commerce,  he 


JAMES    WILKINSON.  99 

returned  to  the  army,  and  was  employed  on  the  frontier.  When  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana  was  effected,  under  Jefferson's  administration, 
Wilkinson  was  joint  commissioner  with  Governor  Clairborne,  to 
receive  that  territory  from  the  French  authorities.  He  was  now  in 
command  of  the  southern  department.  A  few  years  later,  Burr 
conceived  the  design  of  invading  Mexico,  and  Wilkinson,  still  at  tha 
head  of  the  southern  department,  appears  to  have  lent,  at  first,  a 
favorable  ear  to  the  dazzling  scheme.  Subsequently,  however, 
induced  either  by  patriotism  or  interest,  he  refused  to  give  his  coun- 
tenance to  the  enterprise,  and  became,  indeed,  one  of  the  most  active 
and  even  virulent  witnesses  against  the  prisoner.  In  this  conduct, 
there  is  such  an  absence  of  magnanimity,  as  leaves  no  very  favora- 
ble impression  on  the  mind  of  the  historian.  Nothing,  in  fact,  can 
vindicate  Wilkinson  from  the  imputation  of  having  sought  his  own 
personal  advancement  by  the  ruin  of  his  former  friend.  He  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  real  intentions  of  Burr,  and  had  been  a  party 
to  them ;  but  when  the  popular  cry  was  raised,  he  became  one  of 
the  first,  not  only  to  desert  his  late  associate,  but  to  seek  his  destruc- 
tion. The  most  partial  eulogists  of  Wilkinson's  behaviour  in  this 
affair,  are  forced,  to  admit,  that  either  he  shared  in  Burr's  ambitious 
plans,  or  else  played  the  spy  on  him  from  the  beginning. 

Wilkinson  continued  in  command  of  the  southern  department 
until  1811.  In  1813,  he  was  ordered  to  the  northern  frontier,  to 
assume  the  chief  command  of  the  army  there,  made  vacant  by  the 
recall  of  General  Dearborn.  The  failure  of  the  preceding  campaign 
had  led  to  the  resignation  of  the  Hon.  Wm.  Eustis,  Secretary  of  War, 
and  the  advancement  of  General  Armstrong  to  that  place.  The  new 
officer  had  no  sooner  assumed  his  post,  than  he  planned  a  bold  and 
comprehensive  campaign  against  Canada,  the  reduction  of  Kingston, 
the  enemy's  chief  depot,  being  laid  down  as  the  first  step  to  be 
taken,  and  preliminary  to  the  conquest  of  Montreal  and  Quebec. 
The  campaign  was  to  have  been  opened  on  Lake  Ontario,  by  the 
first  of  April,  or  as  soon  as  that  lake  was  free  from  ice ;  and  on  tha 
St.  Lawrence  by  the  *1 5th  of  May,  or  earlier  if  the  navigation  would 
permit.  Had  this  plan  been  vigorously  carried  out,  there  is  little 
doubt  but  that  the  whole  of  Canada  would  have  fallen.  But  there 
seems  to  have  been  a  lamentable  imbecility,  not  only  in  those 
entrusted  with  its  execution,  but  in  the  Secretary  of  War  himself, 
who,  later  in  the  season,  repaired  to  the  scene  of  action  in  person. 
In  the  early  part  of  the  spring,  General  Dearborn  was  in  command 
of  the  northern  department,  but  instead  of  opening  the  campaign  by 
an  attack  on  Kingston,  he  moved  against  York,  where  victory 


100 


JAMES    WILKINSON. 


afforded  no  reward  commensurate  with  the  trouble.  Had  he  assailed 
Kingston  at  once,  it  is  now  apparent  that  he  would  have  succeeded, 
and  in  so  doing,  struck  a  deadly  blow  to  the  British  in  Canada.  His 
mistake  at  the  beginning  of  the  campaign,  led  to  the  inactivity  of  his 
army  during  the  whole  summer,  for  in  July  he  was  recalled,  and 
by  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  every  thing  was  left  to  await 
the  arrival  of  Wilkinson,  his  successor.  Meantime,  however,  Arm 
strong  renewed  the  original  plan  of  the  campaign,  which,  on  Wilkin 
son's  arrival,  was  communicated  to  that  General.  The  seizure  of 
Kingston,  and  the  destruction  of  the  British  fleet  there,  the  Secretary 
said  would  give  Wilkinson  command  of  Lake  Ontario,  and  strike  at 
the  vital  parts  of  the  enemy.  In  conjunction  with  this  enterprise, 
the  Secretary  proposed  a  movement  from  Lake  Champlain  on  the 
St.  Lawrence,  and  the  troops  destined  for  this  service,  about  four 
thousand  men,  were  entrusted  to  General  Hampton. 
Wilkinson  arrived  at  Albany  in  the  early  part  of  August,  1813, 


and  despatched,  on  the  16th  of  that  month,  his  first  orders  to  Hamp 
ton.  The  latter  General,  who  had  imagined  his  command  an  inde- 
pendent one,  was  jealous  of  this  new  superior,  and  immediately 


JAMES    WILKINSON.  101 

tendered  his  resignation,  but  the  Secretary  succeeded  in  persuading 
him  to  retain  his  post  until  the  close  of  the  campaign,  though 
not  in  wholly  eradicating  his  disgust.  The  consequence  was  that  the 
operations,  which  ought  to  have  opened  in  the  spring,  and  which 
were  now  about  to  begin  at  last  in  the  autumn,  commenced  with  a 
feud  between  the  General-in-chief  and  his  second  in  command,  an 
event  generally  ominous  of  failure.  However,  the  campaign  was 
at  once  begun.  Wilkinson  arriving  at  Sackett's  Harbor,  hastened 
to  call  a  council  of  war.  At  this  assembly  it  was  resolved  to  ren- 
dezvous the  troops  at  that  post,  and  after  a  bold  feint  on  Kingston, 
to  slip  down  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  in  conjunction  with  General 
Hampton,  capture  Montreal.  The  army  at  Wilkinson's  disposal, 
was  already  seven  thousand  four  hundred  men,  which,  in  a  month, 
could  be  raised  to  nine  thousand.  This,  it  was  believed,  would  outnum- 
ber the  disposable  force  of  the  enemy,and  ensure  certain  success  to  the 
contemplated  campaign.  In  order  that  nothing  might  be  left  undone  to 
obtain  victory,  the  Secretary  of  War  transferred  his  department  from 
Washington  to  Sackett's  Harbor,  believing  that  his  presence  at  the  scene 
of  operations  would  add  to  the  celerity  of  the  army,  and  compose  the 
jealousies  of  Wilkinson  and  Hampton.  But  in  this  expectation,  as 
might  have  been  foreseen,  he  signally  failed.  His  appearance 
rendered  Wilkinson  as  jealous  of  the  Secretary,  as  Hampton  had 
before  been  jealous  of  Wilkinson.  Where  there  should  have  been 
but  one  controlling  head,  there  were  now  three.  A  general  distrust 
between  the  Generals  was  the  consequence.  As  a  late  writer  has 
powerfully  said,  "  that  deplorable  campaign  was  a  monster  with 
three  heads,  biting  and  barking  at  each  other,  with  a  madness  which 
destroyed  them  all,  and  disgraced  the  country.  Discord  was  a  leprosy 
in  the  very  marrow  of  the  enterprise,  worse  than  all  its  other  cala- 
mities. Armstrong  was  on  good  terms  both  with  Wilkinson  and  Hamp- 
ton till  it  failed,  but  thenceforth  the  enmity  became  as  bitter 
between  him  and  both  of  them,  as  between  the  two  themselves." 

On  the  21st  of  October,  Wilkinson  at  last  set  his  army  in  motion : 
Commodore  Chauncey,  having,  as  a  preparatory  measure  chased  the 
English  fleet  into  harbor,  and  obtained  command  of  the  lake.  The 
troops  were  embarked  at  Grenadier  Island,  near  Sackett's  Harbor, 
in  three  hundred  boats,  under  convoy  of  a  part  of  Chauncey 's  squad- 
ron, but  more  than  a  fortnight  elapsed  before  they  cleared  the  lake, 
and  reached  the  St.  Lawrence.  This  delay  is  attributable  to  the 
advanced  season.  Now  was  seen  the  error  of  putting  off  the  cam- 
paign to  this  late  period  of  the  year.  Autumn  proved  particularly 
inclement;  there  was  almost  constant  rain,  with  occasional  snow 

.IX 


102  JAMES    WILKINSON. 

storms ;  while  the  gales  that  swept  that  inland  sea,  lashed  it  into  short, 
wild  waves,  that  were  more  dangerous  even  than  those  of  the 
ocean.  One  third  of  the  boats  were  wrecked  in  this  perilous  navi- 
gation. The  troops,  crowded  into  the  remainder,  and  unprovided 
with  proper  clothing,  were  continually  drenched  to  the  skin.  To  add  to 
all  provisions  were  scanty  and  unwholesome.  In  consequence,  large 
numbers,  both  of  officers  and  men,  fell  sick,  and  the  spirits  of  the  rest 
became  materially  impaired.  Nor  did  the  enemy  omit  any  oppor- 
tunity to  harass  and  distress  the  expedition,  but  frequently  assailed 
it  from  their  batteries,  which  were  posted  at  various  points  along 
the  shore.  At  last,  on  the  6th  of  November,  the  Americans  arrived 
opposite  Prescott.  The  main  body  of  the  troops  was  now  debarked, 
only  a  small  portion  being  left  with  General  Brown,  to  whom  was 
entrusted  the  charge  of  carrying  the  fleet  of  boats  past  the  English 
fortification.  This  task,  that  daring  and  skilful  General  effected 
in  the  night,  without  loss,  though  in  the  midst  of  a  furious  cannon- 
ade. The  army  and  its  flotilla  having  once  more  united,  the  expe- 
dition advanced  on  its  way.  At  Ogdensburg,  Wilkinson  heard  from 
Hampton,  who  expressed  his  conviction  that  the  campaign  was  at 
an  end,  and  renewed  his  desire  to  resign.  Wilkinson,  in  reply, 
announced  his  present  position,  declared  his  intention  of  marching 
on  Montreal,  and  demanded  Hampton's  co-operation  to  carry  out 
the  objects  of  the  campaign.  The  progress  of  the  main  army  down 
the  St.  Lawrence  was  now  continued. 

During  the  whole  voyage  Wilkinson  had  been  ill,  and  for  most  of 
the  time  confined  to  his  bed.  Secluded  in  his  boat  from  the  view  of 
the  men,  his  own  spirits  appear  to  have  sunk  as  fast  as  theirs,  if  the 
diary  which  he  kept  of  the  proceedings  of  the  army,  is  any  criterion 
of  his  feelings.  As  early  as  the  24th  of  October,  he  writes  in  the 
most  despondent  strain.  With  each  succeeding  day,  this  deplorable 
want  of  confidence  seems  to  have  increased.  Every  new  storm,  every 
additional  obstruction  added  to  the  depression  of  the  General,  when  they 
should  have  been  only  increased  inducements  to  renewed  enterprise 
and  perseverance.  If  Greene,  when  at  the  head  of  the  southern 
army  in  the  Revolution,  had  given  way  to  the  thousand  difficulties 
that  surrounded  him,  the  Carolinas  never  would  have  been  liberated ; 
but,  though  suffering  for  most  of  the  time  under  disease,  and  though 
pursued  by  infinitely  greater  obstructions  than  Wilkinson,  he 
manfully  bore  up  against  all,  and  came  out  victorious.  The  test  of 
military  genius  is  to  conquer  in  spite  of  fate.  Second-rate  men 
always  fail  in  difficult  emergencies,  but  the  first  order  of  minds 
succeed  by  bending  destiny  to  their  will.  Napoleon  was  never 


JAMES   WILKINSON.  103 

greater  than  in  his  Italian  campaign,  where,  nevertheless,  he  was 
always  inferior  in  force  to  the  Austrians.  Washington,  when  retreat- 
ing across  the  Jerseys  with  three  thousand  men,  while  the  British 
with  twenty  thousand,  thundered  in  pursuit,  is  one  of  the  noblest 
spectacles  in  military  history,  because  he  was  conqueror  in  defiance 
of  odds.  Neither  the  sickness  of  Wilkinson,  nor  the  inclemency  of 
the  weather  can  be  admitted  as  a  justification  of  his  failure.  The 
fact  was,  he  held  a  post  above  his  ability.  He  was  unfitted  to  com- 
mand. 

We  have  said  that  the  British  had  omitted  no  occasion  to  annoy 
the  Americans.  Undismayed  by  the  superior  numbers  of  the  inva- 
ders, they  had  attacked,  whenever  an  opportunity  offered,  with  a 
bravery  and  resolution  which  extorts  admiration.  Indeed,  the  effect 
of  the  preceding  campaign  had  not  worn  off  from  the  public  mind 
in  either  country.  The  British,  were,  in  consequence,  always  con- 
fident of  victory ;  the  Americans,  distrustful  of  their  own  powers 
and  expecting  defeat.  On  the  9th  of  November,  a  fleet  of  the 
enemy's  gun  boats,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Colonel  Morrison, 
cut  off  a  large  quantity  of  provisions  and  stores,  with  two  pieces  of 
ordnance,  from  the  rear  of  the  Americans.  Flushed  with  this  success, 
Morrison  on  the  following  day  pressed  so  close  upon  the  invaders,  that 
the  Brigade  under  Boyd,  which  was  nearest  to  him,  turned  and 
gave  him  battle.  Had  Wilkinson  been  a  General  of  spirit,  he  would 
have  concentrated  all  his  forces,  and  crushed  his  assailant.  But 
reduced  by  illness  to  spend  the  day  on  his  pillow,  he  was  so 
thoroughly  destitute  of  the  necessary  energy,  that,  on  hearing  the 
distant  cannonade,  he  merely  enquired  how  the  day  was  going,  and 
was  contented  when  he  heard  his  troops  had  not  been  utterly 
defeated.  The  battle  was  thus  left  wholly  to  General  Boyd,  who 
had  but  sixteen  hundred  men,  while  his  adversary  commanded 
a  force  at  least  equal,  if  not  superior.  The  conflict  raged  for  two 
hours,  and  was  obstinately  contested.  Both  the  British  and  Ameri- 
can Generals  exhibited  the  greatest  skill  and  intrepidity,  so  much  so, 
indeed,  that  the  English  commander  paid  his  adversary  the  compli- 
ment of  declaring  that  the  battle  was  in  these  respects,  the  hand- 
somest affair  of  the  war.  In  the  end,  the  British  were  driven  from 
their  positions,  with  a  loss  to  the  Americans  of  one  hundred  killed, 
and  two  hundred  and  thirty-six  wounded,  the  enemy  losing  more 
by  our  account,  less  by  their  own.  The  desperate  character  of  the 
fight  is  shown  by  the  loss,  which,  in  Boyd's  brigade,  amounted  to 
one-fourth  of  the  whole  number.  Had  this  detachment  of  the 
Americans  been  sustained  by  the  whole  disposable  force  of  our 


104  JAMES    WILKINSON. 

army,  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  a  glorious  and  decisive  victory 
would  have  been  won.  This  battle  has  been  known  as  that  oi 
Williamsburg. 

Wilkinson  had  now  achieved  three-fourths  of  his  journey.  His 
forces  were  greatly  superior  to  those  of  the  enemy;  the  road  to 
Montreal  was  comparatively  open ;  and  the  season  was  approach- 
ing which,  notwithstanding  the  cold,  is  more  favorable  to  military 
operations  in  Canada  than  either  the  autumn  or  spring.  His 
advance  was  commanded  by  General  Brown,  a  bold  and  gallant 
officer,  who  felt  confident  of  the  success  of  the  campaign.  Serving 
under  Brown  was  a  young  officer,  since  the  conqueror  of  Mexico, 
Colonel  Winfield  Scott,  who  had  just  routed  a  party  of  the  British, 
eight  hundred  strong,  at  Hoophole  Creek,  and  who  was  equally  con- 
fident of  victory.  Had  Wilkinson  listened,  to  the  advice  of  these 
more  heroic  spirits,  he  might  yet  have  achieved  successes  that  would 
have  crowned  his  name  with  glory.  But,  instead  of  this,  he  took 
counsel  of  his  bwn  morbid  fears.  At  every  step  he  considered  he 
was  further  from  his  base,  and,  expecting  defeat,  lamented  the  dis- 
tance that  separated  him  from  a  secure  place  of  refuge.  While  in 
this  miserable  condition  of  mind  he  received  a  letter  from  Hampton, 
on  the  12th  of  November,  refusing  peremptorily  to  join  the  expedi- 
tion. This  decided  Wilkinson.  He  saw  a  chance  to  shift  the 
responsibility  on  another,  and  relieve  himself  of  his  suspense.  His 
brow,  which  had  been  so  long  clouded,  cleared  up  ;  eagerly  snatching 
at  this  refusal  of  Hampton  as  an  excuse,  he  resolved  to  retreat,  and 
calling  in  the  advance,  set  out,  the  very  next  day,  for  French  Mills, 
on  Salmon  River.  This  resolution  was  heard  with  grief  and  dismay 
by  the  younger  officers.  Thus  failed  an  expedition,  undertaken  at 
tiffe  head  of  the  best  appointed  army  which  had  yet  been  sent  out  by 
the  United  States.  No  palliation,  or  but  little,  can  be  offered  for  the 
conduct  of  Wilkinson.  It  was  not  criminal,  perhaps,  but  it  was  not 
heroic.  A  man  of  more  ability,  a  Jackson,  a  Taylor,  or  [a  Scott, 
would  have  entered  Montreal  in  triumph.  Wilkinson  was  tried  by 
a  court-martial,  and  acquitted,  of  course,  since  neither  treachery,  nor 
any  other  glaring  error  could  be  proved  upon  him.  But  the  popu- 
lar verdict  was  against  him,  and  in  questions  of  this  kind  the  robust 
common  sense  of  the  people  is  generally  right. 

We  cannot  close  the  narrative  of  this  disgraceful  campaign  with- 
out alluding  to  the  loss  of  Fort  George  and  of  Fort  Niagara.  The 
former  was  situated  on  British  soil,  and  had  been  the  only  conquest 
remaining  to  us,  when  its  Commander,  Colonel  Scott,  eager  to  share 
in  the  expected  glories  of  Wilkinson's  expedition,  left  it  in  charge  of 


JAMES    WILKINSON. 


105 


Genera)  M'Clure  of  the  New  York  militia.  During  the  period  of 
his  aos&ice,  the  British,  twelve  hundred  strong,  headed  by  General 
Drumnund,  advanced  to  the  siege  of  the  place.  Alarmed  at  this 
imposing  force,  a  council  of  war  was  called  in  the  fort,  and  its  aban- 
donmentresolved  upon,  though  the  place  was  fully  competent  for  a 


QCEEXSTOWI*. 


defence.     The  post  wl 
with  dilapidating  the 
neighboring  village  oi 
afford  a  shelter  to  the 


>rt 


accordingly  dismantled.  But,  hot  content 
the  retiring  Americans  set  fire  to  the 
Newark,  alleging  that  otherwise  it  might 
emy  during  the  approaching  winter.  By 


this  inhuman  act,  four  \undred  women  and  children,  deprived  of 
their  homes,  were  thrust\ut  into  the  open  air  to  endure  all  the  hor- 
rors of  a  Canadian  wintei  Nor  did  the  savage  cruelty  of  the  militia 
end  here.  Finding  that  tfc  British  sought  shelter  in  the  neighboring 
village  of  Queenstown,  r«  hot  shots  were  fired  at  that  place,  to 
deprive  the  enemy  of  a  reL^e  there.  For  these  acts  of  Vandalism, 
a  terrible  and  speedy  retribtton  was  taken  by  the  British.  Crossing 
the  river  at  the  head  of  fivihundred  men,  Colonel  Murray,  of  the 

14 


106  JAMES    WILKINSON. 

English  army,  surprised  and  carried  Fort  Niagara,  putting  sixty- 
three  of  its  garrison  to  death  with  the  bayonet,  before  he  woi'd  grant 
quarter.  This  bold  act  was  followed  up  by  the  burning  of  the 
villages  of  Lewistown  and  Manchester,  and  subsequenty  by  the 
sacking  and  conflagration  of  Black  Rock  and  Buffalo.  Ve  do  not 
pretend  to  defend  either  of  these  barbarities.  The  Britsh,  in  the 
campaign  of  the  preceding  year,  had  acted  so  ruthlessly  ?s  to  exas- 
perate the  Americans ;  and  to  this,  in  part,  is  the  burnirg  of  New- 
ark and  Queenstown  to  be  attributed.  But  the  Vandalism  of  one 
party  should  never  excuse  that  of  another.  It  ought  to  je  the  proud 
boast  of  Americans,  that  while  they  make  war  like  heroes,  they 
conduct  themselves  towards  defenceless  women  and  Children,  with 
the  tenderest  humanity.  Such,  indeed,  had  been  thei  character  up 
to  this  period.  It  is  lamentable  to  consider  that  this  fair  fame  was 
lost  through  the  instrumentality  of  cowards,  who,  Jicompetent  to 
defend  their  post,  set  an  example  of  barbarity  th:t  was  fearfully 
retaliated  in  the  sack  of  Buffalo,  and  subsequentl'  in  that  of  the 
capital  of  the  nation. 

Wilkinson,  having  arrived  at  French  Mills,  waisd  until  his  army 
was  established  in  winter  quarters,  and  then  requested  leave  of 
absence,  in  order  to  recruit  his  health.  He  direced  Hampton  to  be 
brought  to  a  court-martial,  and,  in  the  spring,  th;t  General  resigned. 
Wilkinson  afterwards  requested  a  court-marti<l  on  himself.  This 
body  met  in  1815,  and  acquitted  him  of  all  bime.  However,  on 
the  new  organization  of  the  army,  after  thf  peace,  he  was  not 
retained  on  the  establishment,  an  ominous  fcnt  as  to  the  popular 
opinion  of  his  conduct.  He  availed  himself  of  tie  leisure  thus  afford- 
ed him,  to  give  to  the  world,  in  1817,  three  large  octavo  volumes 
entitled  "  Memoirs  of  My  Own  Times."  Tlis  work  is  not  without 
value,  but  is  marked  by  too  much  personal  -rejudice. 

Having  become  possessed  of  large  estate  in  Mexico,  Wilkinson 
removed  to  that  country  soon  after  leaving  he  army.  He  survived 
there  until  the  28th  of  December,  1825.  lis  death  occurred  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  capital,  and  he  lies  buried  irthe  parish  of  St.  Miguel. 


JOHN    ARMSTRONG. 


LTHOUGH  Armstrong  was  not 
present  in  any  battle  during  the 
war  of  1812,  yet,  as  Secretary 
of  the  War  Department,  and  the 
^projector  of  the  campaign  of  1813,  he  merits 
•  a  place  in  this  series.  It  can  scarcely  be 
said  that  he  was  a  very  able,  or  a  very  for- 
tunate leader.  None  of  his  projects  were 
crowned  with  success.  Though  he  removed 
his  department  from  Washington  to  the  northern  frontier,  in  order 
to  be  nearer  the  scene  of  operations,  he  gained  nothing  from  the 
step  but  the  envy  of  his  Generals.  Neither  in  arranging  the  plan  of 

107 


108  JOHN    ARMSTRONG. 

this  campaign,  nor  in  endeavoring  to  reconcile  the  jealousies  of  VVL- 
kinson  and  Hampton,  did  he  exhibit  any  evidences  of  a  superior  in- 
tellect. In  short,  he  was  better  at  criticising  others  than  at  perform- 
ing great  deeds  himself.  A  caustic  writer,  a  good  hater,  prejudiced, 
vindictive  and  vain,  he  presents  the  spectacle  of  a  man,  who,  unable 
to  rise  to  a  first  position  himself,  detracted  from  all  others  who  aspired 
to  it. 

Yet  it  would  be  improper  to  speak  of  Armstrong  in  a  tone  of  un- 
qualified censure.  He  experienced  many  things  to  exasperate  him, 
and  to  leave  upon  his  mind  the  stinging  impression  of  injustice  and 
undeserved  insult.  The  failure  of  the  campaign  of  IS  13  was  far 
from  being  entirely  his  fault.  In  fact  the  very  errors  which  led  to 
that  failure,  he  had  early  warned  the  commanding  Generals  against ; 
and  the  removal  of  the  department  to  the  northern  frontier  was  pro- 
jected in  hopes  to  prevent,  by  his  presence,  unnecessary  delays. 
Moreover,  he  was  not  properly  seconded  in  any  of  his  plans  by  the 
President.  Madison  and  Armstrong  had  not  agreed  from  the  first ; 
and  as  the  war  progressed,  the  mutual  distrust  widened.  None  of  the 
Generals  whom  the  executive  had  most  confidence  in,  and  who  were 
consequently  appointed  to  the  chief  commands,  were,  in  the  Secre- 
tary's opinion,  competent  for  their  posts.  It  was  Armstrong's  favor- 
ite belief  that  victory  would  never  attend  our  banner,  until  the  old 
Generals  were  weeded  out  of  the  army,  and  new  and  more  vigorous 
ones  appointed  in  their  place.  The  result  certainly  verified  his  views. 
His  retirement  from  his  office  was  attended  by  circumstances  which 
favored  his  assertion  at  the  time,  that  he  had  been  unjustly  treated  ; 
for,  when  the  capture  of  the  capitol  covered  him  with  undeserved 
odium,  instead  of  endeavoring  to  shield  him,  the  President  hinted 
that  it  would  be  best  for  him  to  be  absent  for  a  while.  The  truth 
was  that  it  was  Madison  and  not  Armstrong,  who  was  the  real  cause 
of  the  capture  of  the  capitol.  The  President  insisted  that  Windei 
should  command  the  troops,  and  Armstrong  objected.  But  the  will 
of  the  President  prevailed,  and  the  imbecility  of  Winder  caused  a 
defeat.  In  the  end,  the  popular  clamors  demanded  a  victim,  and 
Armstrong,  though  the  least  criminal  of  all,  was  disingenuously  sa- 
crificed to  public  opinion.  Indignant  at  this  treatment  he  threw  up 
his  office.  His  own  generation  blamed  him  for  the  fault  of  another ; 
but  it  is  the  duty  of  the  annalist  to  reverse  this  decision. 

John  Armstrong  was  the  son  of  General  John  Armstrong,  a  dis- 
tinguished officer  of  the  Revolution,  and  was  bom  at  Carlisle,  Penn- 
sylvania, in  the  year  1758.  At  the  age  of  eighteen,  contrary  to  the 
wishes  of  his  parents,  he  absconded  from  his  studies  and  entered  the 


JOHN    ARMSTRONG.  109 

army  as  a  volunteer.  He  was  present  at  the  battle  of  Princeton  in 
the  capacity  of  Aid-de-camp  to  General  Mercer  ;  and  after  the  conflict 
assisted  to  bear  the  wounded  and  dying  hero  from  the  field.  Subse- 
quently, he  was  invited  by  General  Gates  to  become  a  member  of  his 
military  family,  and  in  this  situation,  with  the  rank  of  Major,  he  con- 
tinued until  the  close  of  the  war.  He  was  the.  author  of  the  celebrated 
Newburgh  addresses  which  raised  such  a  ferment  in  the  army  in 
1782,  and  which  Washington  publicly  denounced  as  improper,  fac- 
tious, and  dangerous  to  the  country.  They  were  written  with  great 
ability,  and  having  something  of  justice  as  a  foundation,  were  emi- 
nently calculated  to  exasperate  the  officers  against  Congress.  It  was 
with  difficulty  that  even  the  Commander-in-chief  could  allay  the 
storm.  The  writing  of  these  letters  was,  in  later  life,  a  source  of  ob- 
loquy to  Armstrong.  Attempts  have  been  made  accordingly  to  de- 
fend his  conduct.  But  though  we  can  see  some  slight  palliation,  we 
cannot  discover  any  legitimate  excuse.  The  verdict  of  Washington 
in  reference  to  these  letters,  pronounced  many  years  subsequent  to 
their  publication,  is,  perhaps,  the  most  impartial  that  can  be  given. 
This  judgment  exculpated  Armstrong  from  intentional  error,  but 
censured  the  means  he  employed.  "  I  have  since,"  wrote  Washington, 
"  had  sufficient  reason  for  believing  that  the  object  of  the  author  was 
just,  honorable  and  friendly  to  the  country,  though  the  means  sug- 
gested were  certainly  liable  to  much  misunderstanding  and  abuse." 
After  the  conclusion  of  peace,  Armstrong  was  Secretary  of  the 
state  of  Pennsylvania,  during  Franklin's  administration.  He  was 
subsequently  a  member  of  the  old  Congress.  In  1789  he  married  a 
sister  of  Chancellor  Livingston,  of  New  York,  and  removed  to  the 
latter  commonwealth  to  reside.  In  1800  he  was  elected  a  Senator 
of  the  United  States.  In  1804  he  was  appointed,  by  Jefferson,  Min- 
ister to  the  court  of  France.  He  continued  to  reside  in  Paris,  dis- 
charging the  duties  of  his  mission,  and  acting  also  as  ambassador  to 
Spain,  until  1810,  when,  at  his  own  request,  he  was  recalled,  his 
health  and  his  private  affairs  requiring  his  attention  at  home.  On 
the  declaration  of  war  in  1812  he  was  appointed  a  Brigadier  ;  but 
he  had  scarcely  entered  on  his  duties,  when  the  resignation  of  Dr. 
Eustus  as  Secretary  of  War,  opened  his  way  to  that  high  post.  The 
President,  it  is  understood,  selected  him  with  reluctance,  but  consi- 
dered the  choice  the  best  that  could  be  made  under  the  circumstances ; 
while  Armstrong,  on  his  part,  accepted  the  post  with  misgivings,  for 
he  found,  almost  on  his  first  interview,  that  Madison  and  himself  dif- 
fered as  to  the  Generals  to  be  employed.  "  The  old  commanders  have 
lost  all  ambitious  aspirations,"  said  the  new  Secretary,  "  while  they 


JOHN    ARMSTRONG. 

have  forgotten  all  they  ever  knew,  and  are  ignorant  of  the  later  im 
provements  in  military  science."     In  the  end,  this  difference  of  opin- 
ion, as  we  have  already  seen,  led  to  the  comparative  alienation  of 
the  President  and  Secretary,  and  to  the  resignation  of  the  latter  in 
disgust. 

It  was  in  February,  1813,  that  Armstrong  assumed  his  new  office. 
He  immediately  drew  up  a  plan  for  the  invasion  of  Canada,  predica- 
ted on  the  capture  of  York,  Kingston  and  other  posts,  and  the  obtain- 
ing command  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  before  the  ice  should  leave 
that  river,  and  recruits  arrive  from  England.  Had  this  scheme  been 
executed  with  promptitude  and  vigor  it  is  probable  that  Montreal 
would  have  fallen  into  our  hands,  and  perhaps  the  whole  province 
been  triumphantly  overrun.  But  Dearborn,  then  in  command  at  the 
north,  trifled  with  the  precious  moments,  and  the  navigation  was  open- 
ed before  anything  could  be  effected.  At  last,  the  expedition  against 
York  was  undertaken,  a  gallant  exploit,  but  an  almost  useless  one, 
since  it  was  beginning  at  the  extremity,  instead  of  striking  at  the 
heart.  Annoyed  at  these  delays,  Armstrong  insisted  that  Wilkinson 
should  be  sent  to  supersede  Dearborn,  and  that  the  war  office  should 
be  changed  to  the  north  in  order  that  he  might  personally  inspect 
and  hasten  operations.  But  the  campaign,  though  begun  again  un- 
der these  happier  auspices,  proved  a  total  failure.  Armstrong  re- 
venged himself,  however,  by  abusing  both  his  subordinates,  thus 
proving  that,  if  he  was  not  a  great  war  minister,  he  had  at  least  a 
caustic  pen.  He  continued  in  office  until  August,  1814. 

Armstrong,  after  his  retirement,  amused  himself  with  literary 
labors.  He  wrote  a  sharp  review  of  Wilkinson's  Memoirs ;  numerous 
short  biographical  notices;  a  treatise  on  gardening,  and  ano- 
ther on  agriculture,  both  considered  admirable ;  and  a  work  in  two 
volumes,  entitled,  "  Notices  of  the  War  of  1812."  The  latter  publi- 
cation is  strongly  tinged  with  the  author's  prejudices  and  acrimoni- 
ous feelings  ;  but  displays  a.  large  share  of  military  knowledge ;  and 
is  written  in  a  very  effective  style.  Indeed,  Armstrong  is  decidedly 
the  best  military  author  America  has  produced ;  and  it  is  to  be  re- 
gretted that  he  did  not  live  to  finish  a  history  of  the  Revolution, 
which  he  is  understood  to  have  begun. 

He  retained  his  health  in  almost  full  vigor  to  the  84th  year  of  his 
age.  Towards  the  close  of  1842  he  began  to  waste  away,  and 
sinking  into  a  rapid  decline,  died  on  the  1st  of  April,  1843. 


GEORGE    CROGHAN. 


H  E  first  gleam  of  suc- 
cess in  the  north-west  was 
the  heroic  defence  of  Fort 
Sandusky,by  Major  Geo. 
Croghan.  This  affair  oc- 
curred on  the  2d  of  August, 
1813,  and  exhilaratecf  the 
public  mind  in  proportion 
to  its  former  depression. 
A  more  gallant  act  it  has 
never  been  the  province 
of  the  historian  to  record.  Croghan  was  bom  at  Locust  Grove, 

Kentucky,  on  the  15th  of  November,  1791.     He  received  the  best 

111 


112  GEORGE    CROGHAN. 

education  the  grammar  schools  of  his  native  state  could  afford ;  and 
entered  the  college  of  William  and  Mary,  in  Virginia,  in  his  seven- 
teenth year.  In  July,  1810,  he  graduated,  and  immediately  began 
the  study  of  the  law.  In  the  autumn  of  1811,  however,  the  dis 
covery  of  an  Indian  confederacy  under  Tecumseh,  became  public, 
and  a  large  portion  of  the  more  spirited  of  the  young  men  of  Ken- 
tucky, resolved  to  offer  their  services  in  this  emergency  to  their 
country.  Croghan  was  one  of  this  number.  He  first  entered  as  a 
private  for  the  campaign  up  the  Wabash,  but  soon  attracting  the 
notice  of  his  superiors,  was  made  Aid-de-camp  to  General  Boyd,  the 
second  in  command.  This  promotion  was  a  short  time  preceding  the 
battle  of  Tippecanoe.  For  his  behaviour  in  that  stoutly  contested 
field,  he  received  the  thanks  of  the  commanding  General,  and  was 
presented  with  the  commission  of  a  Captain  in  the  provincial  army, 
directed  to  vje  raised  in  the  spring  of  1812. 

In  August  of  that  year,  Croghan  accompanied  the  detachment 
under  General  Winchester,  which  marched  from  Kentucky  to  the 
relief  of  General  Hull.  As  is  well  known,  the  premature  surrender 
of  Hull  rendered  the  advance  of  these  reinforcements  unnecessary, 
Croghan  continued  with  Winchester,  until,  in  the  succeeding  winter, 
that  General  moved  upon  the  Rapids,  when  our  hero  was  left  in 
command  of  the  fort  just  erected  at  the  juncture  of  the  Miami  and 
Au  Glaize  rivers.  In  consequence  of  this  arrangement,  he  escaped 
being  made  a  prisoner  with  the  rest  of  his  comrades  at  the  Raisin. 
He  now  joined  Harrison  at  the  Rapids.  This  was  previous  to  the 
erection  of  Fort  Meigs.  On  the  completion  of  that  work,  Croghan 
was  one  of  those  besieged  in  it,  with  the  commanding  General ; 
and  Harrison  frequently  afterwards  expressed  the  confidence  he  had 
reposed  in  his  subordinate's  judicious  arrangements  during  that 
leaguer.  On  the  occasion  of  the  sortie  of  the  5th  of  May,  Croghan 
commanded  one  of  the  companies  under  Colonel  Miller,  and,  for  his 
courageous  deportment,  was  again  noticed  in  general  orders.  In 
1813,  Croghan  was  advanced  to  the  rank  of  Major.  The  command 
of  Fort  Stephenson  was  now  entrusted  to  him,  and  the  consequence 
was  that  brilliant  exploit  which  will  enshrine  his  name  to  the  latest 
posterity. 

A  large  body  of  Indian  auxiliaries  having  assembled  at  Maiden, 
in  the  spring  of  1813,  Proctor,  to  give  them  employment,  resolved 
to  attack  Fort  Meigs,  and  subsequently  Fort  Stephenson,  at  Lower 
Sandusky.  His  design,  in  assaulting  these  places,  was  two-fold. 
By  making  a  demonstration  against  Fort  Meigs,  he  hoped  to  induce 
.he  commander,  Colonel  Clay,  to  leave  his  entrenchments,  and  meet 


GEORGE    CROGHAN.  113 

himself  and  Tecumseh  in  the  open  field.  This  was  his  first  object. 
His  second  was  by  seriously  alarming  Harrison,  then  at  Lower  San- 
dusky,  for  the  safety  of  his  out-posts  and  stores  on  the  Miami,  to 
induce  that  General  to  hasten  to  their  defence,  by  which  means  the 
British  leader  thought  the  capture  of  Forts  Stephenson,  Cleveland, 
and  Presque  Isle,  would  be  rendered  comparatively  easy,  since  no 
longer  sustained  by  the  army  of  the  Commander-in-chief.  Accord- 
ingly, these  being  the  plans  of  his  campaign,  Proctor,  on  the  22d 
of  May,  advanced  against  Fort  Meigs.  But  speedily  discovering 
that  his  designs  against  that  post  promised  little  success,  he  raised 
the  siege  six  days  after,  and  dismissing  a  portion  of  his  force  to  Mai- 
den, and  sending  another  portion  to  watch  Harrison,  he  hastened 
with  the  residue,  twenty-two  hundred,  white  and  red,  to  assail 
Fort  Stephenson. 

Meanwhile,  Croghan,  the  commander  of  that  place,  was  in  a  most 
perilous  condition.  Harrison,  having  determined  to  retreat,  had 
sent  word  to  him  to  abandon  the  fort,  and  repair  to  camp ;  but  the 
young  officer  taking  the  order  as  a  discretionary  one,  resolved  to 
hold  the  position.  The  fort,  however,  presented  few  inducements 
to  encourage  resistance.  Injudiciously  placed,  and  badly  construc- 
ted, neither  finished  nor  furnished — stripped  of  a  part  even  of  its 
usual  armament,  and  garrisoned  by  only  one  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  it  was  scarcely  worthy  the  name  of  a  military  work,  and  would 
have  been  considered  untenable  by  four  out  of  five  ordinary  officers. 
But  the  men  who  occupied  that  little  post,  as  well  as  their  heroic 
commander,  were  made  of  no  common  stuff.  The  disgrace  of  the 
preceding  campaign  had  caused  their  cheeks  to  bum  with  shame, 
and  they  longed,  one  and  all,  for  an  opportunity  to  redeem  the  glory 
of  their  country,  now  suffering  a  sad  eclipse.  Accordingly,  when 
notice  was  given  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  there  was  but  one 
opinion  in  the  fort  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued.  "  We  will  repel 
the  foe,"  was  the  cry,  "  or  perish  in  the  attempt." 

The  instructions  of  Harrison  had  been  that  Croghan  should 
abandon  the  fort  on  the  approach  of  Proctor,  provided  a  retreat 
should  then  be  practicable.  The  disposition  of  the  British  force, 
however,  rendered  a  retrograde  movement  difficult,  if  not  impossible. 
Proctor's  first  object  had  been  to  surround  the  place  with  a  cordon 
of  Indians.  This  movement  showed  that  he  considered  the  retreat 
of  the  garrison  so  certain,  as  to  render  some  precautions  necessary 
to  secure  his  ground.  Having  thus,  as  he  thought,  provided  against 
the  only  contingency  by  which  his  enterprise  could  fail  of  complete  suc- 
cess, Proctor  despatched  Cap  tain  Elliot,  the  half-breed,  who  had  figured 
x*  15 


114  GEORGE    CROGHAN. 

in  the  massacre  at  the  Raisin,  to  summon  the  fort  to  surrender.  The 
demand  was  seconded  with  a  threat  of  indiscriminate  slaughter  in 
case  of  refusal.  Croghan's  answer  was  short  and  heroic  :  "  Go  back 
to  your  leader,"  he  exclaimed,  "  and  tell  him  that  brave  men  do  not 
surrender  without  blows.  We  will  defend  the  fort  to  the  last  extre- 
mity." With  these  words,  he  turned  on  the  messenger,  and  regaining 
his  companions,  prepared  to  make  good  his  words  by  a  desperate 
defence. 

Yet,  to  have  seen  the  scanty  means  at  his  disposal,  would  have 
made  the  heart  of  any  man  less  brave,  sink  within  him.  The  works 
were  shamefully  weak,  and  but  a  single  cannon  constituted  the 
armament.  These  things,  however,  had  all  been  known  before,  and 
duly  considered  by  that  little  garrison.  The  resolution  to  defend  the 
place  had  not  been  the  Quixotic  impulse  of  an  hour,  but  the  settled 
determination  of  days  of  calm  deliberation.  Croghan  felt  that  it  was 
better  the  whole  garrison  should  be  cut  off,  than  that,  by  its  retreat, 
hundreds  of  miles  of  frontier,  with  thousands  of  innocent  inhabitants 
should  be  thrown  open  to  the  merciless  savages.  Moreover,  he 
knew  well  the  perfidy  of  Proctor.  The  very  messenger  the  British 
General  had  sent  had  been  ominous  of  massacre.  The  Americans, 
in  consequence,  resolved,  like  the  heroic  defenders  of  the  Alamo  in 
a  similar  emergency,  to  rely  on  their  own  stalwart  arms  and  unerring 
aim,  rather  than  on  the  word  of  a  treacherous  enemy,  choosing  to 
perish,  if  death  must  be  their  fate,  in  the  noble  effort  to  defend  their 
flag,  and  not  unresistingly  under  the  scalping  knife  and  tomahawk 
of  the  savage.  A  resolution  worthy  of  freemen,  and  fortunately 
crowned  with  success  ! 

Proctor,  though  fully  expecting  a  surrender,  had  not,  however, 
intermitted  his  preparations  for  a  siege,  and  by  the  time  his  messen- 
ger returned  with  a  defiance,  had  landed  his  artillery,  and  placed  it 
so  as  to  support  his  gun-boats.  A  fire  was  immediately  opened  on  the 
fort.  Soon  the  balls  began  to  strike  the  works,  knocking  the 
splinters  in  every  direction.  The  day,  meanwhile,  departed,  but 
darkness  was  not  allowed  by  the  eager  enemy  to  retard  his  opera- 
tions. All  through  that  mid-summer  night  cannon  shook  the  neigh- 
boring shores  with  their  roar,  and  flung  a  lurid  blaze  across  the 
gloom.  It  was  no  time  for  slumber,  consequently,  in  the  American 
camp.  Every  man  was  at  his  post,  or  convenient  to  it ;  every  cartridge 
box  was  seen  to  be  supplied ;  every  musket  was  examined,  and  the 
point  of  every  blade  tried,  that  they  might  be  sure  to  do  their  work. 
Croghan  passed  and  re-passed  among  his  troops,  in  order  to  convince 
himself  that  nothing  was  omitted.  Now  and  then,  perhaps,  as  he  or 


GEORGE    CROGHAN.  115 

his  soldiers  looked  out  on  the  plain  below,  ana  beheld  the  thick 
masses  of  the  enemy,  revealed  every  few  minutes  by  the  flashes  of 
the  cannon,  their  thoughts  might  revert  to  the  terrible  chances  against 
them  on  the  morrow,  and,  in  fancy,  memory  would  return  to  the 
homes  they  had  left,  and  the  lovely  faces  that  made  those  homes  so 
dear,  never,  perhaps,  to  be  seen  again.  But  feelings  like  these  were 
not  suffered  to  unman  them.  On  the  contrary,  at  every  such  thought, 
the  musket  was  grasped  more  tightly,  and  a  silent  vow  taken  to 
fight  as  if  those  distant  ones  were  looking  on.  Occasionally,  between 
the  sound  of  the  explosions,  wild  noises  would  come  up  from  the 
flanks  of  the  enemy,  which  the  soldiers  too  well  knew  to  be  the 
shouts  of  the  savages,  as  their  braves  boasted  of  the  scalps  they 
should  take  on  the  morrow ;  and,  once  or  twice,  there  were  those 
who  saw,  or  fancied  they  saw,  the  figures  of  painted  Indians  dancing, 
the  scene  blazing  out  an  instant  in  the  blue  and  ghastly  light  of  the 
cannonade,  like  a  vision  of  fiends  at  their  orgies. 

Morning  came  slowly  and  wearily  to  the  besiegers,  but  with 
wings  of  lightning  to  the  besieged.  As  the  grey  dawn  melted  into 
the  rosy  hues  of  sunrise,  many  a  brave  man  within  that  fort  looked 
up  for  the  last  time,  as  he  thought,  to  heaven,  but  still  with  no 
unmanly  fear ;  only  with  that  sad  feeling  which  the  boldest  will  expe- 
rience when  he  sees  himself  about  to  be  immolated.  Such  a  feeling 
perhaps,  crossed  the  heart  of  Leonidas,  when  he  fastened  on  his 
buckler,  and  waited  for  the  Persian  thousands.  Croghan  was  in  the 
front  of  his  men,  calm  in  that  hour  of  extreme  peril.  But  it  soon 
became  evident  that  the  enemy  did  not  intend  an  immediate  assault, 
for  he  had  established  a  new  battery,  consisting  of  six  pounders, 
within  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  of  the  pickets.  A  respite  was 
thus  gained  for  the  defenders.  But  it  was  a  respite  allowing  no 
repose,  and  only  a  protraction  of  their  suspense.  The  fire  of  this  new 
battery  soon  began,  and  the  air  shook  with  concussions.  The  balls 
hurtled  around  the  fort,  or  bounded  from  the  ramparts.  The 
surface  of  the  ground  in  the  line  of  fire,  became  covered  with  smoke, 
which,  every  few  minutes,  would  rend  asunder,  and  a  ball  come 
whistling  along.  Thus  the  morning  passed.  Noon  came,  but  the 
roar  of  the  cannonade  was  undiminished.  And  even  when  the  hot 
August  sun  began  to  decline  in  the  west,  the  blaze  of  artillery  still 
went  on,  and  the  suspense  of  the  besieged  continued. 

At  last  the  fire  of  the  British  was  seen  to  be  concentrated  on  the 
north-west  corner  of  the  fort,  and  now  Croghan  no  longer  doubted  as 
to  the  point  where  the  attack  was  to  be  made.  He  accordingly 
hastened  in  person  to  the  threatened  spot.  Every  man  that  could  be 


116 


GEORGE    CROGHAN. 


spared  from  other  quarters,  was  put  in  requisition,  and  all  the  bags 
of  flour  arid  sand  that  could  be  found,  were  hurriedly  collected, 
and  arranged  to  strengthen  the  angle.  The  solitary  cannon,  the 
only  hope  of  the  defenders,  was  charged  with  grape-shot,  and  placed 
so  as  to  enfilade  the  assailants.  Then  each  soldier  took  his  post..  A 
profound  silence  succeeded  within  the  fort.  This  lasted  for  perhaps, 
two  minutes,  at  the  end  of  which  the  enemy  was  seen  advancing 
through  the  smoke,  his  troops  formed  in  one  compact  column,  and 
marching  with  the  steady  tread  of  assured  victors.  When  Croghan 
gave  the  order  to  fire,  such  a  rattling  volley  was  poured  in  by  the 
garrison,  that  the  enemy  reeled  and  fell  into  disorder.  But,  at  this 
crisis,  Lieutenant-colonel  Short,  who  led  the  British  in  the  assault, 
sprang  to  the  head  of  his  soldiers,  and  waving  his  sword,  called  to 
them  to  follow,  bidding  them  with  oaths,  to  remember  that  no 
quarter  was  to  be  given.  A  savage  shout  answered  this  address, 


DEFENCE  Off  FORT   STEPIIBNSON. 


and  the  ranks  recovering  their  order,  the  head  of  the  column  rushed 
forward,  and  leaped  down  into  the  ditch,  which  was  soon  densely 
crowded. 

This  was  the  moment  for  which  Croghan  had  waited.  Another 
minute,  perhaps,  would  have  given  the  fort  to  the  foe ;  but  that 
minute  many  of  his  best  men  were  destined  never  to  see.  The 


GEORGE    CROGHAN.  •          117 

single  cannon  of  the  garrison,  placed  so  as  to  rake  the  assailants, 
now  bore  full  on  the  masses  of  soldiery  in  the  ditch,  and  the  mask 
being  suddenly  removed,  the  whole  fearful  contents  of  the  piece 
swept  the  solid  ranks  before  it.  There  was  a  gush  of  flame,  a  stun- 
ning explosion,  and  the  hissing  sound  of  grape — then,  as  the  white 
smoke  floated  back  on  the  besiegers,  the  prospect  was,  for  an  instant, 
hidden.  But  when  the  veil  of  battle  blew  aside,  a  scene  of  horror 
was  exhibited,  such  as  those  who  witnessed  it  have  described  as 
one  of  the  most  awful  on  record.  At  first  a  lane,  perceptible  to 
every  eye,  and  extending  right  through  the  densest  portion  of  the 
assaulting  mass,  marked  the  path  traversed  by  the  shot,  but  as  the 
distance  from  the  gun  increased,  and  the  grape  scattered,  this  clearly 
defined  line  disappeared,  and  a  prospect  of  the  wildest  confusion 
ensued.  One  third  of  those  who  had  entered  the  ditch,  lay  there  a 
shapeless,  quivering  mass.  In  many  instances,  the  dead  had  fallen 
on  the  wounded,  and  as  the  latter  struggled  to  extricate  themselves, 
the  scene  resembled  that  depicted  in  old  paintings  of  the  Final 
Judgment,  where  fiends  and  men  wrestle  in  horrible  contortions. 
Groans,  shrieks,  and  curses  more  terrible  than  all,  rose  from  that 
Golgotha  !  The  few  who  retained  life  and  strength,  after  the  first 
second  of  amazement,  rushed  from  the  post  of  peril,  leaped  wildly 
upon  the  bank,  and  communicating  their  terror  to  the  rest  of  the 
column,  the  whole  took  to  flight,  and  buried  itself  in  the  neighboring 
woods.  As  this  occurred,  such  a  shout  went  up  to  heaven  from  the 
conquerors  as  never  had  been  heard  on  that  wild  shore  before.  And 
well  might  the  Americans  exult — for  it  was  against  ten  times  their 
own  number  they  had  achieved  a  victory. 

In  recompense  for  this  gallant  exploit,  Croghan  was  elevated  to 
the  rank  of  Lieutenant-Colonel.  His  name  was  eulogized  in  Con- 
gress, and  hailed  with  applause  throughout  the  country  as  that  of  one, 
who  united  in  himself  the  prudence  of  the  veteran,  and  the  courage  of 
the  hero.  His  military  genius,  indeed,  had  been  proved  by  his  uniform 
conduct,  to  be  of  a  very  high  order.  During  his  campaign  under  Win- 
chester, he  became  celebrated  among  his  companions  for  the  judi- 
cious selection  he  made  of  his  ground  wherever  the  army  encamped, 
and  for  his  throwing  up  some  slight  fortifications,  even  when  the 
stay  was  to  be  but  for  a  night.  He  was  remarkable  also  for  a  manly 
and  open  character,  for  chivalrous  sentiment,  and  for  an  intellect  of 
more  than  ordinary  force.  In  1835,  Congress  presented  him  a  gold 
medal,  in  commemoration  of  his  defence  of  Fort  Stephenson. 

Croghan  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  after  the  battle  of  the 
Thames  to  recover  the  post  of  Mackinaw.  On  the  conclusion  of 


118  GEORGE    CROGHAN. 

peace,  he  was  retained  in  the  army,  but  resigned  in  1817.  Soon  afte 
he  was  appointed  Post-Master  at  New  Orleans.  In  1S25,  however, 
he  returned  to  the  army,  and  accepted  the  post  of  Inspector-Genera*, 
which  he  still  worthily  fills.  He  joined  the  army  in  Mexico  on  the 
march  to  Monterey,  and  was  present  at  the  assault  of  that  place. 
During  the  crisis  of  one  of  the  three  days  fighting,  when  a  Ten- 
nessee regiment  shook  under  a  tremendous  concentric  fire,  Croghan 
rushed  to  the  front,  and  taking  off  his  hat,  the  wind  tossing  his  grey 
hairs,  he  shouted  :  "  Men  of  Tennessee,  your  fathers  conquered  with 
Jackson  at  New  Orleans — follow  me !"  The  stirring  words  were 
received  with  a  burst  of  cheers,  and  the  troops  re-animated,  dashed 
on.  In  the  list  of  brevets  subsequently  conferred  for  gallantry  in 
this  action,  his  name  was,  however,  by  some  oversight,  overlooked, 
and  he  was  unwillingly  recalled  soon  after  to  the  United  States. 

Croghan  died  at  New  Orleans,  on  the  8th  of  January,  1849.     With 
the  evening  gun  of  that  memorable  anniversary,  his  spirit  passpd  away. 


WILLIAM   HENRY   HARRISON. 

ARRISON  was  one  of  the 

successful  Generals  of  the  las: 
war.     It  was  under  him  that 
the  first  victories  were  gain- 
ed over   the  British  in  the 
^  !  north-west ;  and  his  name  will  go  down 
^1  to  posterity  indissombly  connected  with 
the  battle  of  the  Thames.     He  is  even 
i  more  honorably  remembered  for  his  In- 
dian wars,  however  :  and  as  the  hero  of 
Tippecanoe  has  gained  a  fast  hold  on  the 
ublic  heart.  Perhaps,  critically  speaking,  he  was  inferior,  in  military 

119 


120  WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON. 

genius,  to  both  Jackson  and  Brown.  He  wanted  the  terrible  energy, 
the  almost  reckless  boldness  which  characterized  these  two  leaders. 
He  belonged  to  a  different  school  altogether.  His  was  the  policy  of 
Fabius,  rather  than  of  Marcellus  ;  and  this  not  from  necessity,  but 
from  choice.  The  bent  of  his  mind  was  to  be  prudent,  economic  of 
means,  willing  to  listen  to  advice. 

William  Henry  Harrison  was  the  son  of  Benjamin  Harrison,  one 
of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  He  was  born  at 
Berkley,  the  residence  of  his  father,  in  the  county  of  Charles  City, 
Virginia,  on  the  9th  of  February,  1773.  He  received  his  education 
at  .Hampden  Sydney  College,  in  his  native  state.  At  the  ago  of  se- 
venteen he  graduated,  and  turned  his  attention  to  the  study  of  medi- 
cine. His  father  dying,  however,  in  the  succeeding  year,  he  aban- 
doned all  thoughts  of  this  profession,  and  solicited  an  Ensigncy  in 
the  United  States  army.  In  1791,  accordingly,  he  received  a  com- 
mission, and  was  immediately  ordered  to  his  regiment,  then  station- 
ed at  Fort  Washington,  where  the  city  of  Cincinnati  has  since  be  n 
built.  The  war  which  raged  with  the  western  Indians  gave  the 
young  soldier  numerous  opportunities  to  distinguish  himself;  and  he 
was,  on  more  than  one  occasion,  mentioned  in  flattering  terms  by 
his  superior  officer.  Promotion  rapidly  followed.  In  1792  he  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  Lieutenant.  In  1794,  on  the  victory  of  Wayne, 
he  became  a  Captain.  Soon  after,  peace  having  been  concluded 
with  the  Indians,  he  was  honored  with  the  command  of  Fort  Wash- 
ington. During  the  whole  of  this  period  he  had  resided,  without 
intermission,  in  the  west,  and  had  now  become  so  thoroughly  identi- 
fied with  its  interests,  that  it  needed  but  little  temptation  to  induce 
him  to  make  that  his  permanent  home. 

Accordingly  in  1797  he  resigned  his  commission  in  the  army,  in 
order  to  be  appointed  Secretary  of  the  north-western  territory.  The 
vast  district,  then  known  under  this  name,  comprised  what  are  now 
the  states  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Michigan  and  Illinois.-  In  1799,  when 
the  territory  sent  its  first  delegate  to  Congress,  Harrison  was  chosen 
the  representative.  His  career  as  a  legislator  was  distinguished  by 
practical  sense  and  an  untiring  endeavor  to  benefit  his  constituents. 
Among  other  measures,  he  procured  an  alteration  in  the  law  provi- 
ding for  the  sale  of  public  lands.  Up  to  that  period,  the  smallest, 
portion  of  land  which  the  government  would  dispose  of  to  one  indi- 
vidual was  four  thousand  acres.  This  practice,  though  convenient 
for  the  government,  was  injurious  to  the  west,  and  unjust  to  the  peo- 
ple. It  was,  in  fact,  holding  out  inducements  to  the  wealthy  specu- 
lators, and  virtually  excluding  the  poorer  classes,  who  composed 


WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON.  121 

the  real  settlers,  from  being  purchasers.  Harrison  procured  the  pas- 
sage of  an  act  which  provided  that  the  public  lands  should  be  sold 
in  alternate  sections  and  half  sections,  the  former  comprising  six 
nundred  and  forty  acres,  and  the  latter  three  hundred  and  twenty 
acr«s  each.  This  change  proved  highly  beneficial.  The  settlers 
of  comparatively  humble  means  were  no  longer  at  the  mercy  of  the 
land  speculators,  and  as  a  consequence,  emigration  to  the  west  tri- 
pled itself  within  a  few  years. 

When  Indiana,  in  1801,  was  erected  into  a  distinct  territorial  go- 
vernment, Harrison  was  appointed  its  Governor,  with  extraordinary 
powers.  His  administration  was  so  popular  with  the  people,  that, 
at  their  solicitation,  he  was  re-appointed  to  this  office,  by  both  Jef- 
ferson and  Madison,  down  to  the  year  1813.  His  knowledge  of  In- 
dian affairs  rendered  him,  during  all  this  period,  prominent  in  every 
transaction  with  the  savages.  In  1803,  Jefferson  had  appointed  him 
a  "  commissioner  to  enter  into  any  treaties  which  might  be  necessary 
with  any  Indian  tribes  north-west  of  the  Ohio,  and  within  the  terri- 
tory of  the  United  States,  on  the  subject  of  their  boundaries  or  lands." 
In  his  capacity  of  commissioner,  under  this  appointment,  he  executed 
no  less  than  thirteen  treaties  with  different  tribes.  By  his  sagacity 
and  wisdom  the  western  border  was  preserved,  for  many  years,  in  a 
state  of  comparative  security.  As  the  impression  of  Wayne's  vic- 
tory began  to  wear  away,  however,  the  Indians,  always  restless, 
thirsted  to  take  up  the  hatchet.  The  instigation  of  England,  whose 
emissaries  increased  with  the  probabilities  of  a  war  between  her  and 
the  United  States,  assisted  to  fan  the  flame  of  discord.  But  peace 
might,  perhaps,  still  have  been  preserved  but  for  the  exertions  of  Te- 
cumseh,  an  Indian  chief,  who  had  conceived  the  design  of  uniting 
all  his  race  in  one  great  league  against  the  whites,  and  thus  endea- 
voring to  recover  the  lands  and  hunting  grounds  of  his  ancestors. 

Had  Tecumseh  been  a  Roman,  and  successful  in  his  design,  his 
name  would  have  been  immortalized  by  this  gigantic  plan.  He  knew 
by  the  traditions  of  his  people,  that  scarcely  three  centuries  had 
passed  since  the  white  man  first  landed  in  America ;  and  patriarchs 
were  still  living  among  his  tribe,  who  could  recollect  when  the  Alle- 
ghanies  formed  the  boundary  to  civilization.  He  himself  had  seen 
how,  year  by  year,  the  great  tide  of  population  rolled  westward, 
obliterating  forest,  village  and  wigwam,  like  the  sea  gaining  steadily 
upon  the  shore.  Where  once  the  smoke  of  the  council-fire  curleu 
up  amid  the  boundless  wilderness ;  where  once  the  hunter  roamed 
fearless,  knowing  that,  far  as  he  went,  the  land  was  all  his  own ; 
where  once  the  Indian  girl  sang  her  love-song,  the  Indian  wife 


122  WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON. 

plaited  her  mat,  or  the  Indian  children  gambolled  before  the  cabin 
door,  now  rose  the  tall  chimney  of  the  furnace,  now  surged  along  the 
dense  population  of  cities,  now  was  heard  the  clatter  of  the  mill-wheel, 
the  roar  of  manufactories,  and  all  the  other  noisy  accompaniments 
of  civilized  life.  Each  year  the  Indian  saw  his  territory  decrease,  and 
his  white  neighbor  crowd  him  further  towards  the  setting  sun.  Is  it 
to  be  wondered  at  that  Tecumseh  regarded  the  Americans  as  his 
natural  enemies,  that  he  vowed  against  them  eternal  hostility,  and 
that  he  sought  to  unite  all  the  red  tribes  in  one  immense  league 
against  these  natural  foes  of  his  race  ?  Yet  even  he  must,  at  times, 
when  revolving  his  stupendous  plans,  have  felt  how  impotent  would 
be  resistance  against  what  seemed  to  be  the  inevitable  decree  of  Pro- 
vidence. 

Tecumseh  was  assisted  in  his  enterprise  by  his  brother,  who  was 
known  by  the  name  of"  the  Prophet."  Together  these  two  labored 
to  excite  the  savages  against  the  United  States.  Their  designs  at 
last  began  to  attract  the  attention  of  government.  Murders  and  other 
outrages  became  of  frequent  occurrence.  Some  great  movement 
against  the  whites  was  obviously  in  preparation.  Determined  to 
take  the  initiative,  the  United  States  assembled  a  force  of  regulars 
and  militia  in  1811,  and  placing  it  under  the  command  of  Harrison, 
directed  him  to  march  against  the  Prophet's  town  of  Tippecanoe,  and 
demand  the  restoration  of  such  property  as  had  been  carried  off  by  the 
Indians.  If  his  request  was  refused,  he  was  to  proceed  and  enforce 
the  claim.  Accordingly,  Harrison,  losing  no  time  in  delay,  arrived 
before  the  town  on  the  6th  of  November.  Here  he  was  met  by  mes- 
sengers from  the  Prophet,  deprecating  hostilities  and  promising  that 
all  differences  should  be  adjusted  on  the  morrow.  Relying  in  part 
on  this  stipulation,  yet  alive  to  the  treachery  of  the  Indian  character, 
Harrison  was  perplexed  what  to  do,  since  to  seem  to  doubt  the  foe 
might  produce  the  very  danger  he  wished  to  avoid,  while  to  trust 
implicitly  to  him  might  insure  destruction.  He  resolved,  finally,  to 
encamp  for  the  night  on  an  elevated  piece  of  dry  oak  land,  situated 
between  two  prairies,  a  position  affording  the  best  means  of  defence 
in  the  vicinity. 

His  mistrust  of  the  enemy  was  so  great,  however,  that  he  encamp- 
ed his  men  in  order  of  battle,  and  directed  them  to  rest  on  their  arms  ; 
hence,  if  attacked  in  the  night,  they  would  be  ready  instantaneously 
for  tie  contest.  The  line  was  formed  also  with  great  skill.  The  front 
and  rear  were  composed  of  infantry,  separated  on  the  right  about 
ninety  yards,  and  on  the  left  about  twice  that  distance.  The  front 
line  contained  a  battalion  of  the  fourth  regiment  of  regulars,  com- 


WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON.  123 

manded  by  Major  Floyd;  the  rear  line  was  formed  of  another  bat- 
talion of  the  fourth,  under  Captain  Baer.  On  the  rear  of  the  left 
flank  was  posted  a  company  of  sixty  dragoons ;  and  in  the  rear  of 
the  front  line  another  more  numerous.  The  left  flank  was  defended 
by  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  mounted  riflemen,  under  General 
Wells,  of  Kentucky ;  and  the  right  flank  by  Spencer's  company  of 
mounted  riflemen,  in  numbers  about  eighty.  Two  companies  of 
militia  flanked  the  right  of  Major  Floyd,  and  on  his  left  Captain 
Baer's  line  was  flanked  by  four  companies  of  militia  under  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Decker.  Thus  judiciously  posted,  the  little  army  lay 
down  to  slumber. 

Before  daybreak,  however,  on  the  morning  of  the  7th  of  Novem- 
ber, the  soldiers  were  startled  by  the  sound  of  the  war-whoop  close 
to  the  lines.  Instantly  every  man  sprang  to  his  arms.  Louder  and 
nearer  rose  the  yells  of  the  Indians,  followed  by  the  rapid  dropping 
of  shots ;  and  speedily  the  pickets,  driven  before  overwhelming 
numbers,  came  pouring  into  the  camp.  Never  were  the  high  quali- 
ties of  the  American  soldier  more  gloriously  displayed  than  in  this 
emergency.  Though  surprised,  and  scarcely  yet  awake,  each  man 
knew  at  once  what  to  do.  The  first  weight  of  the  assault  fell  on  Cap- 
tain Barton's  regulars  and  the  mounted  riflemen  of  Captain  Geiger, 
and  with  such  impetuosity  did  it  burst,  that  a  few  savages  actually 
cut  through  the- ranks  and  penetrated  into  the  camp.  But  this  spec- 
tacle, instead  of  creating  a  panic,  only  roused  the  soldiers  to  the  most 
desperate  exertions.  Reinforcements  were  hurried  to  the  front. 
The  Indians  in  the  camp  paid  for  their  temerity  with  their  lives.  But 
suddenly,  while  the  attention  of  the  General  was  thus  occupied,  a  tre- 
mendous fire  was  opened  in  another  quarter,  to  the  left  of  the  front, 
on  the  companies  of  Baer,  Prescott  and  Snelling.  At  the  same  time 
the  savages  appeared  in  great  force  among  some  trees  a  few  yards  in 
advance  of  the  front.  The  flashes  of  their  guns  followed  each  other 
in  rapid  succession,  and  soldier  after  soldier  fell  beneath  their  uner- 
ring aim.  Yet  not  a  man  flinched.  The  regulars  died  where  they  stood  ; 
the  mounted  men  were  decimated  unmoved ;  and  the  volunteers, 
regardless  of  their  fast  thinning  ranks,  still  bravely  faced  the  foe. 

In  this  emergency,  Major  Davies,  who  had  been  posted  in  the 
rear  of  the  front  line,  was  ordered  to  charge  the  enemy  with  his 
cavalry.  Calling  to  his  men  to  follow,  he  dashed  gallantly  forward, 
but  almost  immediately  received  a  mortal  wound  ;  while  his  troops, 
unable  to  withstand  the  close  and  well  -directed  fire  of  the  savages, 
fell  back  in  disorder.  The  yells  of  the  Indians  now  redoubled,  and 
in  this  part  of  the  field  rose  triumphant  over  the  rattling  of  the  mus- 


124  WILLIAM    HENHY    HARRISON. 

ketry.  Captain  Snelling  was  next  ordered  to  charge  with  the  oayo- 
net.  The  command  was  received  with  a  cheer,  the  long  line  of 
glistening  steel  was  levelled,  and  the  little  phalanx  of  regulars  was 
launched  like  a  thunderbolt  on  the  foe.  The  Indians  gave  way  in 
affright.  But  this  success  crowned  only  one  portion  of  the  field.  On 
all  the  others  the  savages  still  maintained  their  positions,  and  conti- 
nued to  pour  in  heavy  and  destructive'  discharges.  The  light  was 
still  too  faint  to  detect  the  situations  held  by  the  Indians,  except  when 
the  flashes  of  the  guns  lit  up  their  dark  forms  in  the  back-ground,  or 
a  sudden  burst  of  yells  betrayed  them  in  some  near  locality.  The 
whole  camp,  however,  was  occasionally  girdled  with  fire.  Spencer's 
mounted  riflemen  and  the  right  of  Warrick's  company  appeared  to 
be  especial  marks  for  the  foe.  The  slaughter  among  these  brave 
men  was  awful.  Captain  Spencer  was  killed,  as  was  also  his  first 
and  second  Lieutenant ;  Captain  Warrick  fell,  mortally  wounded ; 
and  the  men  dropped  from  their  ranks  continually.  The  Americans 
could  do  nothing  until  morning  broke,  except  maintain  their 
posts,  and  keep  up  an  intermitting  round  of  vollies.  This  they  did 
effectually.  One  rolling  discharge  after  another  shook  the  solid 
ground  and  hurled  its  missiles  of  death  against  the  foe,  until  the 
smoke  of  the  pieces  grew  so  thick,  that  it  increased  the  darkness 
and  thus  prolonged  the  danger. 

At  last  the  dawn  broke,  and  soon,  in  the  increasing  light,  the  po- 
sition of  the  foe  became  distinctly  defined.  The  exact  locality  of  the 
savages  on  the  left  was  now  reconnoitred  for  the  purpose  of  a  charge ; 
and  Major  Wells,  in  the  most  brilliant  manner,  leading  his  men 
down  the  slope,  broke  the  line  of  the  enemy.  The  Indians  were 
no  sooner  perceived  to  be  retreating,  than  a  detachment  of  cavalry 
was  hurled  among  them.  Their  consternation  on  this  became  gene- 
ral. Driven  furiously  by  the  horsemen,  who  cut  them  down  almost 
unresistingly,  and  as  fast  as  the  sabre  could  be  plied,  they  rushed 
wildly  forwards,  crowding  and  treading  on  each  other  in  their  ter 
ror,  until  they  finally  plunged  themselves  into  a  marsh  where  the 
cavalry  could  not  follow.  The  victory  in  this  quarter  was  complete. 
Simultaneously  the  companies  of  Captain  Cook  and  Lieutenant  La 
rabie  were  ordered  to  advance  against  the  savages  on  the  right,  sus- 
tained by  the  mounted  riflemen.  The  movement  was  executed  with 
great  gallantry.  The  Indians  broke  and  fled.  Our  troops  pursued, 
throwing  in  the  bayonet,  wherever  it  was  possible,  the  cheers  that 
rose  from  every  part  of  the  field,  stimulating  them  with  assurances 
of  a  complete  victory.  The  enemy  was  now  flying,  indeed,  in  all 
directions.  Harrison  had  gained  a  decisive  triumph. 


WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON1.  125 

In  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe  the  inherent  courage,  combined  with 
the  intelligence  of  the  American  soldier,  was  strikingly  exem- 
plified. Rarely  has  any  body  of  troops  been  attacked  under  circum- 
stances more  discouraging  to  the  assailed.  The  numbers  and  posi- 
tion of  the  foe  were  unknown ;  the  darkness  prevented  aggressive 
measures ;  and  nothing  remained  but  to  stand  firm  until  dawn,  a 
mark  for  the  concentric  fire  of  the  enemy.  The  scattered  nature  of 
the  Indian  forces  magnified  their  strength,  lessened  the  mortality  of 
our  fire,  and  assisted  to  dishearten  the  soldiers.  During  the  greater 
portion  of  the  battle  there  was  no  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of 
generalship,  or  of  any  quality  in  either  officers  or  men,  except  pas- 
sive courage.  Yet  nobly  did  the  American  soldier  vindicate  his 
blood.  When  morning  dawned  at  last,  and  the  positions  of  the 
savages  could  be  made  out,  how  readily,  and  with  what  splendid 
courage  he  came  to  the  assault !  The  loss  of  the  Indians  was  exces- 
sive, considering  the  caution  with  which  they  hazard  life ;  it  was 
one  hundred  and  fifty.  That  of  the  Americans,  in  killed  and  wounded, 
was  one  hundred  and  eighty-eight. 

The  victory  was  immediately  followed  up  by  vigorous  measures 
against  the  offending  tribe.  On  the  9th,  two  days  after  the  battle, 
Harrison  burned  the  Prophet's  town.  He  next  proceeded  to  lay 
waste  the  contiguous  districts.  The  Indians,  struck  dumb  with 
astonishment  at  their  unexpected  defeat,  and  finding  themselves  pow- 
erless to  resist  their  foe,  now  sued  for  submission.  Perhaps  if  Tecum- 
seh  had  been  present,  the  contest  would  have  been  more  protracted ; 
but  that  indomitable  chieftain  was  in  the  south,  engaged  in  stirring 
up  the  Creeks  to  war.  Having  completed  all  the  purposes  of  the 
campaign,  Harrison  now  set  out  on  his  return.  Everywhere,  as  he 
traversed  the  inhabited  country,  he  was  received  with  enthusiasm. 
The  people  hailed  him  as  the  preserver  of  beauty  from  the  toma- 
hawk of  the  savage  ;  as  the  defender  of  civilization  against  barbarian 
inroads ;  as  the  hero  whose  sword  carried  victory  upon  its  point.  No 
man,  in  the  whole  west,  was  more  popular. 

Accordingly  when,  in  the  succeeding  year,  the  capture  of  Hull 
aroused  the  nation  to  the  necessity  of  a  more  active  prosecution  of 
the  war,  the  public  voice  at  once  fixed  on  Harrison  as  the  only  man 
capable  of  leading  the  army  to  success  and  glory  in  the  north-west. 
When  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Detroit  reached  Kentucky,  Harrison 
was  on  a  visit  to  that  state,  and  was  almost  immediately  invested, 
by  the  Governor,  with  the  rank  of  Major-General.  This  was  done 
although  Harrison  was  not  a  citizen  of  Kentucky,  in  order  that  ha 
might  rank  Winchester,  a  Brigadier.  Some  difficulty,  in  consequence 

XI* 


126  WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON. 

of  this  irregularity,  ensued  between  the  two  Generals  in  reference  to 
which  should  hold  supreme  command ;  but  it  was  terminated  by 
the  President,  who  assigned  it  to  Harrison,  and  made  -Winchester 
second  in  authority.  Before  this,  however,  and  immediately  on 
receiving  his  appointment  from  the  Governor  of  Kentucky,  Harrison 
had  marched  to  relieve  the  frontier  posts,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of 
militia,  hastily  collected.  He  left  Cincinnati  on  the  29th  of  August, 
1812,  and  on  the  3rd  of  September  arrived  at  Piqua.  His  force  now 
amounted  to  about  twenty-five  hundred  men.  Believing  that  an 
autumnal  campaign  held  out  prospects  of  success,  he  lost  no  more 
time  at  this  place  than  was  absolutely  necessary  to  complete  his 
arrangements  and  receive  his  military  stores. 

On  the  6th  he  marched  for  Fort  Wayne,  situated  at  the  head  of 
the  Miami  of  the  Lake,  a  river  formed  by  the  confluence  of  the  St. 
Mary  .and  St.  Joseph.  This  post  had  been  invested,  for  some 
time,  by  Indians,  but,  at  the  approach  of  the  Americans,  they  fled  in 
haste.  On  the  12th,  Harrison  arrived  at  Fort  Wayne,  and  was  fol- 
lowed, on  the  19th,  by  Winchester,  with  reinforcements.  The  diffi- 
culty with  respect  to  the  rank  of  the  two  Generals  not  having  been 
yet  adjusted,  Harrison  yielded  the  command  to  Winchester,  and 
started  for  his  own  government,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  mounted 
men,  intending  to  operate  against  the  Indian  settlements  in  that  quar- 
ter. He  had  proceeded,  however,  but  a  short  distance,  when  an 
express  from  Washington  overtook  him,  with  a  notification  that  the 
disputed  point  had  been  decided  in  his  favor.  He  accordingly 
returned  to  Fort  Wayne,  but  found  that  Winchester  had  set  out  for 
Fort  Defiance,  the  preceding  day.  This  latter  General  arrived  at 
Fort  Defiance  on  the  30th,  after  a  toilsome  march.  Here,  on  the 
3rd  of  October,  Harrison  overtook  him  ;  but  left  on  the  4th,  to  bring 
up  the  centre  and  right  wing.  He  first,  however,  despatched  Gene- 
ral Tupper,  with  a  thousand  men,  on  an  expedition  against  the 
Rapids.  Owing  to  the  defection  of  the  Ohio  militia,  as  well  as  to  a 
disagreement  between  Tupper  and  Winchester,  the  enterprise  was 
never  carried  into  effect.  The  autumn  was  consumed  in  a  series  of 
petty  attempts  upon  the  foe  ;  but  no  great  movement  was  under- 
taken ;  for  the  dearth  of  supplies  frustrated  any  attempts  of  mag. 
nitude.  Michigan  did  not  afford  even  forage  for  the  horses.  "  To 
get  supplies  forward,"  wrote  Harrison  to  the  department  at  Wash- 
ington, "  through  a  swampy  wilderness  of  near  two  hundred  miles, 
in  wagons  or  on  pack  horses,  which  are  also  to  carry  their  own  pro- 
visions, is  absolutely  impossible."  In  consequence  of  this  difficulty 
an  autumnal  campaign  was  abandoned. 


WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON.  127 

But  Harrison  was  still  sanguine  that,  in  the  winter,  he  should  be 
able  to  strike  a  successful  blow  at  Maiden.  His  plan  of  operations  did 
not  vary  much  from  that  projected  for  the  autumn :  it  was  to  occupy 
the  Rapids  of  the  Miami,  and  having  collected  a  sufficient  quantity 
of  provisions  there,  to  advance  towards  Detroit,  make  a  feint  against 
that  place,  and  then  suddenly  passing  the  strait  upon  the  ice,  invest 
Maiden.  His  whole  effective  force  was  about  six  thousand  three 
hundred  men,  divided  into  three  detachments,  one  at  Fort  Defiance, 
another  at  Fort  M'Arthur,  and  a  third  at  Upper  Sandusky.  The 
different  divisions  were  to  concentrate  at  the  Rapids.  Winchester, 
who  commanded  at  Fort  Defiance,  was  the  first  to  arrive  at  the  ren- 
dez\ipus.  Here  he  began  to  form  a  fortified  camp.  Having  been 
induced  to  send  forward  a  portion  of  his  force  to  Frenchtown,  in 
order  to  protect  the  inhabitants  of  that  place  from  the  savages,  a 
victory  was  the  consequence,  which  so  elated  the  troops  left  behind, 
that  they  insisted  on  marching  to  share  the  glory  of  their  comrades. 
Accordingly,  Winchester,  at  the  head  of  the  remainder  of  his  detach- 
ment, advanced  also  to  the  river  Raisin,  where  the  united  forces  sus- 
tained that  terrible  defeat,  followed  by  a  massacre,  which  we  have 
narrated  in  its  proper  place. 

Harrison  had  arrived  at  Lower  Sandusky  on  his  way  to  the  place 
of  rendezvous,  when  he  heard  of  the  party  sent  forward  to  French- 
town  by  Winchester.  The  intelligence  paralyzed  the  older  officers 
of  the  army.  Alarmed  for  the  consequences,  Harrison  hastened  his 
march,  and  reaching  the  Rapids,  discovered  that  Winchester,  deceived 
by  the  delusive  victory,  had  pushed  on  in  person  to  the  Raisin.  The 
force  under  Harrison's  immediate  command  did  not  amount  to  quite 
seven  hundred  men,  yet  he  decided  at  once  to  follow  his  subor  di- 
nate,  hoping  to  overtake  him  before  it  would  be  too  late.  He  had  left 
the  Rapids  but  three  miles  behind  him,  however,  when  he  heard  of 
the  disastrous  defeat  of  Winchester.  A  hurried  consultation  now 
took  place,  when  a  retreat  towards  Sandusky  was  decided  on.  This 
decision  was  hasty.  To  have  advanced  against  fifteen  hundred  victo- 
rious troops,  with  a  force  less  than  twice  that  number  would,  indeed, 
have  been  madness ;  but  it  did  not  follow  that  a  post,  already  par- 
tially fortified,  should  be  dismantled,  its  provisions  destroyed,  and 
the  garrison  withdrawn.  Such,  however,  was  the  decision  of  the 
council.  The  unnecessary  haste  of  this  measure  was  atoned  for  par- 
tially in  the  ensuing  month,  when  Harrison  advanced  again  to  the 
Rapids,  and  began  to  fortify  the  post  anew,  under  the  name  of  Fort 
Meigs.  Meantime,  however,  he  had  retired  to  Carrying  River,  about 
midway  between  this  place  and  Sandusky.  With  this  retreat,  Har- 


128  WILLIAM    HENRY   HARRISON. 

rison's  winter  campaign  terminated.    It  had  been  even  less  success- 
ful than  the  autumnal  one. 

The  ensuing  spring  opened  with  more  eclat.  Proctor,  at  the  head 
of  a  combined  force  of  regulars  and  savages,  twenty-two  hundred 
strong,  advanced  against  Fort  Meigs  about  the  middle  of  April, 
hoping  to  capture  it  before  the  arrival  of  Harrison's  reinforcements 
and  supplies  ;  for  in  consequence  of  the  term  of  service  of  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  troops  having  expired,  the  American  army  was  com- 
paratively weak,  and  anxiously  awaited  the  appearance  of  General 
Clay,  from  Cincinnati,  with  the  new  levies,  amounting  to  twelve 
hundred  men.  Incessant  rains  prevented  Proctor  from  opening  his 
batteries  before  the  first  of  May.  The  garrison,  however,  though 
little  over  a  thousand,  was  not  intimidated.  The  fort  was  strong 
and  well  supplied  with  cannon ;  and  the  men  relied  even  enthusias- 
tically upon  their  leader.  Moreover,  the  time  had  been  judiciously 
employed  in  throwing  up  a  grand  traverse,  twelve  feet  high  and 
three  hundred  yards  long,  which  effectually  covered  the  besieged. 
On  the  5th  of  May,  a  small  party  sent  forward  by  General  Clay, 
arrived.  Harrison  now  conceived  the  plan  of  making  a  sortie  against 
the  enemy,  to  be  sustained  by  General  Clay's  detachment.  The 
attack  of  General  Clay  was,  at  first,  made  with  spirit,  but  finally 
failed,  principally  because  of  the  imprudence  and  insubordination  of 
the  troops.  The  sortie  from  the  fort,  under  Colonel  Miller,  was 
more  successful,  though,  in  consequence  of  General  Clay's  repulse, 
it  was  rendered  abortive  in  the  end.  It  is  disgraceful  to  record  that 
the  cruelties  visited  on  their  prisoners  by  the  savages,  and  this  too 
in  presence  of  the  British  officers,  was  such  as  to  make  humanity 
revolt  at  recording  them.  Proctor,  notwithstanding  his  partial  suc- 
cess in  this  engagement,  soon  found  that  he  neither  could  make  any 
impression  on  the  works  of  the  batteries,  nor  hope  to  carry  the  place 
by  storm ;  accordingly,  on  the  9th  of  May,  four  days  after  the  battle, 
he  raised  the  siege  and  began  a  precipitate  retreat,  carrying  off  with 
him  his  artillery.  The  Americans  did  not,  however,  molest  him. 
The  garrison  lost  about  two  hundred  and  sixty  in  killed  and  wounded 
during  the  siege,  principally  in  the  affair  of  the  5th.  The  repulse  of 
Proctor  from  Fort  Meigs  obliterated,  in  a  measure,  the  misfortunes 
of  the  preceding  winter  and  autumn,  and  the  name  of  Harrison  was 
once  more  regarded,  especially  in  the  west,  as  a  sure  presage  of  tri- 
umph 

And,  in  justice  to  Harrison,  it  must  be  said  that  the  failure  of  the 
autumnal  and  winter  campaigns  cannot  wholly  be  attributed  to  him. 
Though  not  a  bold  man,  he  was  sufficiently  brave,  and  would  have 


WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON.  129 

succeeded  if  prudence  had  not  forbidden  him  to  risk  too  much.    He 
has  been  charged  with  excess  of  caution ;  but  it  was  better  to  eir  on 
this  side  than  on  that  of  rashness.  His  troops,  moreover,  were  undis- 
ciplined, and  scarcely  fit  to  cope  with  British  regulars.  But  the  great 
defect  of  both  campaigns  was  the  attempt  to  reduce  Canada  without 
first  obtaining  the  command  of  Lake  Erie.     As  we  have  seen,  the 
supplies  of  the  army  had  to  be  carried  a  distance  of  two  hundred 
miles,  principally  on  pack-horses,  and  consequently  at  an  enormous 
expense.     The  drivers  of  these  pack-horses  were  generally  of  the 
most  worthless  description,  who,  by  their  carelessness,  broke  down 
their  animals  and  destroyed  the  goods.     Wagons  were  so  difficult  to 
obtain,  that  when  used,  the  teams  were  valued  at  an  excessive  price, 
which  operated  as  a  bounty  to  induce  the  owners  to  drive  them  to 
debility  or  death,  in  order  to  get  the  price.    No  bills  of  lading  were 
used,  nor  accounts  kept  with  the  wagoners,  and  of  course  the  plun- 
der of  the  public  goods  went  on  without  restraint.     The  immense 
sums  thus  squandered  in  supplying  the  army  almost  surpasses  belief. 
"  From  my  knowledge  of  the  cost  of  transportation,"  wrote  Ha'rri- 
son  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  in  December,  1812,  "  I  do  believe  that 
the  expense  that  will  be  incurred  in  the  course  of  six  weeks  in  the 
spring,  in  moving  the  provisions  of  the  army  along  the  roads  leading 
from  the  Rapids  to  Detroit,  would  build  and  equip  all  the  vessels 
necessary  to  give  us  the  command  of  the  lake."     Hence,  Harrison 
urged  on  the  government  the  construction  of  a  fleet  on  Lake  Erie. 
His  advice  was  finally  adopted,  and  suitable  vessels  built  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1813.     The  victory  of  Perry  over  the  English  squadron,  on 
the  10th  of  September  in  that  year,  followed,  and  laid  open,  at  once, 
the  whole  of  that  portion  of  Canada  to  invasion. 

Harrison  lost  no  time  in  availing  himself  of  the  fruits  of  this  naval 
triumph.  He  immediately  embarked  his  army,  and  on  the  27th  of 
September,  landed  on  the  enemy's  shores.  Meantime  consternation 
had  seized  Proctor.  Abandoning  Maiden,  notwithstanding  the 
reproaches  of  Tecumseh,  the  British  General  began  an  ignominious 
flight.  Harrison,  now  reinforced  by  Colonel  R.  M.  Johnson,  at  the 
head  of  one  thousand  mounted  Kentucky  men,  pressed  forward  in 
pursuit;  and,  on  the  5th  of  October,  overtook  the  fugitives  on  the 
banks  of  the  Thames,  and  gained  a  decisive  triumph.  The  victory 
was  won  chiefly  by  the  regiment  of  Johnson,  who  pressed  forward 
with  such  impetuosity  that  the  terrified  enemy  threw  down  his  arms 
before  the  American  infantry  could  get  into  action.  By  this  glorious 
event,  the  direct  result  of  Harrison's  foresight  and  skill,  all  the  terri- 
tory surrendered  by  Hull  was  recovered ;  a  vast  quantity  of  smalJ 

17 


130 


WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON. 


arms  and  stores  was  captured  ;  and  what  was,  perhaps,  of  even  more 
importance, the  disgrace  of  that  event  was  wiped  from  our  arms,  and 
the  Indian  confederacy  under  Tecumseh  broken  forever.  Among 
the  trophies  were  three  pieces  of  artillery  which  had  been  taken 


GXNXKAI,  HARBISON'S  AXMT  CROSSIXO  LAKE  mm 


from  the  British  at  Saratoga,  and  had  subsequently  reverted  to  their 
original  possessors  by  the  surrender  of  Hull. 

Harrison,  having  taken  possession  of  Detroit,  and  finding  himself 
without  orders  from  the  war  department,  resolved  to  proceed  in  the 
fleet  to  Buffalo.  Here  he  arrived  on  the  24th  of  October,  and  from 
this  place  marched  to  Newark,  where  he  received  orders  to  send 
McArthur's  brigade  to  Sackett's  Harbor,  accompanied  by  an  intima- 
tion that  he  had  leave  to  return  to  his  family.  Harrison  received 
this  declaration  as  a  hint  to  retire  from  his  command.  He  obeyed 
the  order,  however,  but  soon  after  sent  in  his  resignation.  Arm- 
strong, then  Secretary  of  War,  from  whom  the  order  proceeded,  has 
charged  Harrison  with  imbecility  in  his  command,  asserting  that  his 
successes  were  the  result  of  good  fortune  and  not  of  plans  well  con- 
ceived. After  the  narrative  we  have  given  of  Harrison's  military 
career,  it  is  impossible  to  coincide  in  opinion  with  the  vindictive 
Secretary.  Harrison  was  not  a  Wayne  nor  a  Jackson  ;  he  belonged, 
as  we  have  said,  to  a  less  dashing  school ;  but  he  was  an  infinitely 
better  officer  than  Armstrong,  or  than  most  of  his  cotemporaries. 
After  Brown,  Jackson  and  Scott,  he  ranks  pre-eminent. 

The  remainder  of  Harrison's  career  was  chiefly  political,  and  we 


WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON.  131 

shall,  therefore,  dismiss  it  with  a  rapid  summary.  In  1814  he  was 
appointed  with  General  Cass  and  Governor  Shelby,  to  treat  with  the 
north-western  Indians ;  and  in  1815  to  treat  with  numerous  other 
tribes.  In  1817  he  was  elected  a  representative  to  Congress  from 
Ohio,  having,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  purchased  a  seat  at  North 
Bend,  below  Cincinnati.  During  his  term  he  demanded  an  investi- 
gation of  certain  reports  to  his  disadvantage,  in  relation  to  the  manage- 
ment of  the  commissariat  department  in  the  army  under  his  control. 
A  committee  being  appointed,  his  character  was  fully  vindicated  by 
their  report.  He  voted,  during  this  session,  to  censure  General 
Jackson  for  having  seized  the  Spanish  posts  in  Florida.  Having  been 
elected  a  member  of  the  Ohio  Senate  in  1819,  he  now  transferred 
his  counsels  to  that  body.  In  1824  he  was  chosen  a  United  States 
Senator  from  Ohio.  His  career  in  that  body  was  marked  by  his 
endeavors  to  procure  the  passage  of  a  just  and  proper  pension  law, 
for  the  benefit  of  those  who  had  shed  their  blood  in  the  battles  of 
their  country.  In  1828,  Harrison  was  appointed  Minister  to  the 
republic  of  Columbia,  but  was  recalled  by  Jackson,  on  the  elevation 
of  the  latter  to  the  Presidency  in  1829.  He  now  retired  to  private 
life.  His  farm  and  his  books  employed  his  time;  and  his  table  was 
ever  ready  for  the  calls  of  hospitality.  He  ultimately  found,  how- 
ever, that  his  income  was  not  adequate  to  the  support  of  his  family ; 
and  accordingly,  in  1834,  accepted  the  office  of  Prothonotary  of  the 
court  of  Hamilton  county,  Ohio. 

In  this  office  he  continued  until  his  election  to  the  Presidency  in 

1840.  He  was  first  made  a  candidate  for  that  high  office  in  1836, 
but  defeated,  the  successful  candidate,  Mr.  Van  Buren,  receiving 
one  hundred  and  seventy  of  the  electoral  votes,  while  Harrison 
obtained  but  seventy.     At  the  next  trial,  however,  in  1840,  he  was 
chosen  President  by  a  larger  majority  of  votes  in  the  electoral  col- 
lege than  has  ever  yet  been  bestowed  on  any  man ;  for  he  received 
two  hundred  and  thirty -four  votes  out  of  the  whole  number  of  two 
hundred  and  ninety-four.   He  was  inaugurated  on  the  4th  of  March, 

1841.  One  month  later,  to  a  day,  he  breathed  his  last,  after  a  short 
but  severe  illness,  being  the  first  President  to  die  in  that  office.     His 
decease  was  caused  principally  by  the  excitement  of  his  new  posi- 
tion, and  the  manner  in  which  he  was  harassed,  day  and  night,  by 
applicants  for  office.     Popular  in  manners,  and  too  easy  of  access,  his 
frame  worn  down  by  exposure  and  years,  he  gave  way  beneath  the 
exactions  to  which  he  was  subjected.     He  died  thinking  of  his  coun- 
try.    "  The  constitution — the  constitution,"  were  the  words  that  were 


132 


WILLIAM    HENRY    HARRISON. 


continually  on  his  lips.  The  demonstrations  of  grief  at  his  decease 
were  universal ;  party  rancor  was  forgotten  for  awhile  j  and  the 
nation,  as  one  man,  united  to  deplore  its  loss. 


RICHARD    M.   JOHNSON. 

HE  state  of  Kentucky,  so  fertile  in 
great  men,  had  the  honor  of  giving 
birth  to  Colonel  Richard  M.  Johnson. 
The  early  life  of  this  distinguished 
warrior  was  passed  in  the  midst  of 
Indian  alarms.     While  still  an  infani 
he  was  sent  with  his  mother  to  take 
refuge  in  a  frontier  fort,  against  an  in 
rroad  of  the  savages,  his  father  being 
absent  in  Virginia.     The  fort  was 
successfully  defended  by  thirty  men 
against  five  hundred  Indians.    Similar  perils  inured  the  young  Ken- 
tuckian  to  danger ;  while  his  active  life  hardened  his  frame. 
His  education  was  simple,  as  in  all  new  countries.    A  common 
xii  133 


134  RICHARD    M.  JOHNSON. 

school  at  first,  and  subsequently  a  grammar  school  prepared  him  for 
the  study  of  the  law.  At  nineteen  he  began  to  practice  this  profes- 
sion. At  twenty-two  he  was  elected  to  the  legislature  of  his  native 
state.  Little  more  than  two  years  later,  he  was  sent  to  Congress,  as 
a  member  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  having  just  attained  the 
age  required  by  the  Constitution.  Here  he  was  called  on  to  vote 
for  a  war  against  England,  which  he  did  promptly,  and  immediately 
afterwards  prepared  to  sustain  his  opinion  in  the  field. 

When,  after  the  successful  defence  of  Fort  Stephenson,  Governor 
Shelby,  with  four  thousand  men,  marched  to  the  assistance  of  Har 
rison,  Colonel  Johnson  commanded  a  regiment  of  mounted  Ken- 
tuckians.  The  force  of  Shelby  arrived  at  head-quarters  on  the  17th 
of  September,  1813,  a  few  days  after  Perry's  victory.  The  men 
were  all  in  the  highest  spirits.  The  despondency  of  the  preceding 
year  had  passed  away,  and  nothing  was  expressed  but  the  most 
confident  belief  in  victory.  Johnson's  mounted  regiment  comprised 
the  whole  cavalry  of  the  Kentuckians ;  the  rest  of  the  force,  owing  to 
imperative  circumstances,  acting  as  infantry.  It  was  partly  in  con- 
sequence of  this  that  his  command  played  so  prominent  a  part  in 
the  approaching. campaign. 

The  victory  of  Perry  had  opened  a  new  road  for  the  invasion  of 
Canada,  and  one  that  ought  to  have  been  conquered  a  year  before. 
Instead  of  having  to  march  through  a  wilderness,  the  Americans 
had  now  only  to  embark  on  the  lake,  and  be  wafted  by  favorable 
breezes,  in  a  few  hours,  to  their  destination.  Accordingly,  on  the 
27th  of  September,  seventeen  days  after  Perry's  victory,  the  Ameri- 
cans with  the  exception  of  Johnson's  regiment,  which  was  to  proceed 
by  land  to  Detroit,  were  embarked  under  convoy  of  the  fleet,  and 
before  night  reached  the  Canadian  shore.  The  landing  was  effected 
without  resistance,  no  enemy  appearing  in  sight.  Harrison  pushed 
rapidly  forward  to  Ahmetsburg,  where  his  troops  bivouacked  for 
the  night.  This  was  the  place  where,  on  the  preceding  winter,  the 
prisoners  captured  at  the  Raisin  had  been  huddled  into  a  pen,  and 
where  with  tears  of  rage  and  despair,  they  first  heard  of  the  inhuman 
massacre  of  their  brothers,  relatives  and  friends  who  had  been  left 
wounded  on  the  field  of  battle.  As  the  recollection  of  this  crowded 
on  the  Americans,  many  a  bitter  vow  of  revenge  was  taken.  In 
sad  memories  like  these  the  night  was  passed. 

But  in  the  morning  it  became  known  that  Proctor,  after  dismant- 
ling Maiden,  and  burning  the  barracks  and  navy -yard,  and  stripping 
the  surrounding  country  of  horses  and  cattle,  had  begun  a  precipitate 
retreat,  early  on  the  26th.  In  fact,  the  British  General  had  suddenly 


RICHARD    M.    JOHNSON.  13-5 

become  a  prey  to  terror.  Like  all  who  are  brutal,  he  was  a  coward 
in  heart,  and  shook  at  the  shadow  of  disaster.  His  spies  had  mag- 
nified the  number  of  the  Americans  to  fifteen  thousand,  and  declared 
them  to  be  made  up  chiefly  of  Kentuckians  sworn  to  avenge  the  mur- 
ders at  the  Raisin.  The  fear  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies 
completely  unnerved  him ;  and  he  resolved  by  a  speedy  retreat  to 
save  his  pitiful  life.  In  vain  his  officers  pointed  out  to  him  that 
there  was  still  a  chance  of  defending  his  post.  In  vain  it  was  re- 
presented that  the  larger  portion  of  his  Indian  allies  would  abandon 
him  on  the  first  symptoms  of  a  retrogade  movement.  In  vain  the 
heroic  Tecumseh,  who  was  above  deserting  even  a  coward  in  ex- 
tremity, strove,  by  bitter  taunts,  to  arrest  his  purpose.  "  Father," 
said  the  bold  chief,  "listen  to  your  red  children.  They  are  standing 
all  around,  ready  to  fight  and  die  for  you.  Do  not  forsake,  do  not 
alarm  them.  In  the  old  war  your  fathers  deserted  ours.  Will  you 
do  it  again  ?  You  invited,  encouraged,  supplied  us  with  arms,  to 
war  on  the  Americans  !  Ever  since  you  desired  it,  we  have  fought 
at  your  side  ;  and  when  did  we  turn  our  backs  on  the  foe  ?  Listen 
to  us  now,  father.  The  ships  went  out  to  fight  on  the  lake — you 
made  them  go  out.  Where  are  they?  We  do  not  know  what 
happened  :  we  heard  the  great  guns.  They  sounded  loud  and  far, 
and  since  we  have  seen  you  tying  up  bundles  to  carry  away.  You 
told  us  always  you  would  never  run  away :  that  the  English  never 
do.  Will  you  now  run  before  you  have  even  seen  the  enemy  ?" 
But  nothing  could  allay  the  panic,  or  alter  the  resolution  of  Proctor. 
He  fled,  and  with  such  precipitancy,  that  he  did  not  even  stop  to 
destroy  the  bridges  behind  him. 

When  Harrison  arrived  at  Maiden,  accordingly,  he  found  that 
place  only  a  smouldering  ruin.  The  embers  of  the  conflagration 
were  still  smoking ;  and  the  neighboring  country  looked  as  if  just 
ravaged  by  an  invader.  The  barns  were  empty,  the  farms  were 
plundered  of  their  stock,  and  the  few  miserable  inhabitants  remain- 
ing bore  the  sad  aspect  of  famine.  At  first,  Harrison  despaired  of 
overtaking  the  fugitives  ;  and  on  the  27th  he  wrote  in  that  strain  to 
the  Secretary  of  War.  "I  will  pursue  the  enemy  to-morrow,"  were 
his  words,  "  but  there  is  no  possibility  of  overtaking  him,  as  he  has 
upwards  of  one  thousand  horses,  and  we  have  not  one."  But, 
pushing  forward  to  Sandwich,  he  there  met  to  his  inexpressible 
satisfaction,  Johnson's  mounted  regiment  of  Kentuckians,  winding 
along  the  other  bank  of  the  Detroit.  During  the  march  of  this  force 
a  circumstance  had  occurred  which  greatly  inflamed  them  against 
the  enemy.  Their  way  had  led  them  by  the  scene  of  the  massacre 


136  RICHARD    M.    JOHNSON. 

at  the  Raisin,  where  they  found  the  bones  of  the  victims  which  had 
been  piously  interred  in  the  preceding  June,  brutally  exposed.  The 
Kentuckkins  paused  to  consign  them  once  more  to  the  earth.  While 
engaged  in  this  sad  duty,  an  express  from  Harrison  reached  them, 
urging  them  to  hasten  forward.  The  scene  they  had  just  witnessed 
inflamed  the  Kentuckians  to  madness.  They  were  more  eager  than 
ever  to  overtake  the  enemy ;  and  pressing  rapidly  forward,  joined 
Harrison,  as  we  have  seen. 

The  tombined  forces  now  marched  in  pursuit  of  Proctor.  Never, 
perhaps,  had  a  greater  number  of  gallant  men,  who  were  not  pro- 
fessional soldiers,  left  their  homes  and  peaceful  associations  to  avenge 
the  blood  of  their  slaughtered  relatives.  There  was  Crittenden,  and 
Barry,  and  Wickliffe,  names  since  conspicuous  among  the  highest  in 
the  councils  of  the  nation.  There  was  Perry,  with  the  wreath  of 
victory  still  green  on  his  brow :  Clay,  whose  services  and  bravery  in 
the  preceding  campaign  had  won  him  merited  renown :  Cass,  already 
celebrated  for  that  courage  and  ability,  which  still,  after  nearly  forty 
years,  survive  for  the  benefit  of  his  country.  There,  too,  was 
Governor  Shelby,  one  of  the  heroes  of  the  Revolution,  who  had 
fought  at  King's  Mountain,  and  who  now  came,  with  a  head  silvered 
by  age,  to  fight  in  a  new  and  scarcely  less  holy  cause.  One  common 
sentiment  pervaded  every  bosom.  To  overtake  the  enemy,  to  avenge 
the  blood  shed  at  Raisin,  was  the  sole  thought  of  those  gallant  Ken- 
tuckians !  The  pursuit  was  pushed  with  the  greatest  vigor.  At 
every  step  new  proofs  of  Proctor's  panic  met  the  eye.  Here  were 
stores  abandoned  in  bulk,  there  arms  scattered  along  the  highway : 
here  despatches  left  to  their  fate,  there  ammunition  itself  cast  away. 
The  road  grew  rougher  as  the  army  advanced;  there  were  morasses 
to  be  threaded  and  rivers  to  be  crossed ;  but  unintimidated  by  any 
obstacle,  the  Americans  pushed  resolutely  forward,  still  thirsty  for 
vengeance.  For  three  days  the  pursuit  continued.  At  last,  on  the 
morning  of  the  5th  of  October,  the  army  of  Harrison  came  up  with 
Proctor,  and  immediately  preparations  for  a  battle  began. 

The  victory  that  followed  was  won  chiefly  by  the  regiment  of 
mounted  Kentuckians,  under  Johnson,  though  to  Harrison  is  due 
the  credit,  in  the  capacity  of  leader,  of  directing  their  mode  of 
attack.  On  approaching  the  enemy,  he  was  found  arrayed  on  a 
narrow  strip  of  dry  land,  having  the  river  Thames  on  his  left,  and  a 
swamp  upon  his  right.  The  savages,  of  whom  there  were  about 
twelve  hundred,  under  Tecumseh,  occupied  the  extreme  right  on  the 
eastern  margin  of  the  swamp.  The  infantry,  eight  hundred  in 
number  were  posted  between  the  river  and  swamp,  the  men  drawn 


RICHARD    M.    JOHNSON.  137 

up,  not  close  together,  but  at  some  distance  apart,  in  open  order  as 
it  is  called.  Harrison  had  already  made  arrangements  for  attacking 
with  his  infantry,  but  perceiving  this  position  of  the  British  regulars 
to  be  favorable  for  a  charge,  he  sent  for  Johnson,  and  asked  him 
if  he  would  undertake  it.  "  I  have  accustomed  my  men  to  it  from 
the  first,"  was  the  reply.  "  Then  charge  !"  said  Harrison.  Instantly 
galloping  to  the  head  of  his  regiment,  Johnson  informed  the  men 
of  the  duty  before  them,  and  the  whole  vast  squadron,  more  than  a 
thousand  strong,  went  thundering  over  the  solid  plain.  In  the 
whole  range  of  modern  warfare,  perhaps,  there  is  no  charge  which 
can  be  compared  to  this  for  reckless  and  romantic  courage,  for  the 
men  weie  armed  only  with  guns,  hatchets,  and  knives,  and  had  no 
sabres,  tliat  most  necessary  of  all  weapons  in  a  melee.  As  they 
swept  dovn  towards  the  foe,  leaving  the  infantry  of  the  army  naif 
a  mile  behind,  Johnson  perceived  that  the  ground  on  which  the 
regulars  -were  drawn  up,  was  too  confined  for  the  manoeuvres  of 
his  whole  legiment,  and  determined  to  divide  his  force,  leaving  to 
one  half  th^  attack  on  the  British  infantry,  while  with  the  other  he 
resolved  to  go  and  seek  the  Indians  under  Tecumseh.  In  taking 
this  bold  resolution,  in  the  absence  of  his  commanding  officer,  he 
assumed  the  whole  responsibility  of  victory  or  defeat.  Accordingly, 
dividing  hif  force,  he  consigned  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  James  John- 
son, his  brother,  and  second  in  command,  the  task  of  charging  the 
regulars,  while  he  himself  turned  off  towards  the  swamp,  to  assail 
an  enemy  even  more  formidable. 

The  detachment  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  James  Johnson, 
advanced  at  a  rapid  pace,  and  was  soon  close  upon  the  foe,  who, 
at  once,  opened  a  heavy  fire.  The  men  came  onward,  in  four  columns 
of  double  files,  and  at  this  volley  the  heads  of  the  column  halted. 
"Forward,  Kentuckians !"  shouted  Johnson,  at  this  juncture. 
Ashamed  of  their  momentary  hesitation,  the  men  again  shook  their 
bridles,  and  with  a  wild  hurrah  the  solid  masses  of  horsemen  galloped  on 
the  enemy,  and  in  the  face  of  a  rapid  fire,  penetrated  his  ranks. 
Wheeling  rapidly,  as  soon  as  the  British  line  was  passed,  the  Ken- 
tuckians poured  in  a  destructive  volley  on  his  rear.  The  battle,  in 
this  spot,  was  over  in  less  time  than  we  have  taken  to  describe  it, 
for  when  the  regiment  wheeled,  it  found  the  enemy  crying  loudly 
for  quarters.  This  was  immediately  granted.  A  force  was  then 
sent  in  pursuit  of  Proctor,  who  was  understood  to  be  further  in  the 
rear ;  but  that  General  had  already  fled,  having  scarcely  waited  to 
see  the  defeat  of  his  soldiers.  He  left  behind  him,  however,  his 
carriage,  sword,  and  papers.  His  subsequent  career  furnished  a 
merited,  though  late  retribution  for  his  preceding  cruelties.  Arriv 
xii*  18 


138  EICHARD    M.    JOHNSON. 

ing  at  Burlington  Heights,  he  was  met  by  an  angry  Governor- 
General.  He  whose  cruelty  and  rapacity  had  been  overlooked  in 
victory,  now  found  himself,  like  many  another  tool  of  power,  made 
to  expiate  his  faults  in  consequence  of  defeat.  Publicly  disgraced 
for  avarice  and  cowardice,  Proctor,  from  that  moment  becane  as 
much  an  object  of  scorn,  even  in  his  own  country,  as  he  had  before 
been  one  of  dread  in  ours. 

The  attack  of  Johnson  himself  on  Tecumseh,  was,  if  possible, 
executed  with  even  more  gallantry.  Putting  his  squadron  to  a  rapid 
trot,  he  charged  into  the  midst  of  the  savages.  On  their  part,  the 
Indians  met  this  assault  with  unflinching  bravery.  For  fire  or  six 
minutes  nothing  was  heard  but  the  sharp  ringing  death-shot,  and  the 
shouts  of  the  Kentuckians,  answered  back  by  the  war-whcop  of  the 
savages,  and  the  crack  of  their  unerring  rifles.  Making  right  for  the 
spot  where  the  voice  and  dress  of  a  chief  seemed  to  betoken  the 
presence  of  Tecumseh,  Johnson  strove  to  bring  him  D  personal 
combat,  and,  by  his  fall,  to  end  the  day.  As  he  advanced,  the 
melee  grew  terrific.  His  men  were  falling  on  all  sides  around  him; 
he  was  himself  wounded  in  three  places.  The  smoke  giew  so  thick 
as  almost  to  blind  the  eye.  But  still  the  Kentuckians  pressed  on 
around  their  leader,  and  still  the  Indians,  gathering  b^  Tecumseh^ 
answered  with  shot  and  yell.  The  rifle-balls  whistled  thickly 
past.  Yet  onward  the  Americans  pressed.  At  last  the  dark  form 
of  Tecumseh,  who  had  all  along  been  animating  h:s  troops,  fell 
prostrate,  and,  at  the  sight,  a  panic  seizing  his  followers,  they  fled  on 
every  side.  By  whose  hand  the  chief  died,  has  never  been  satisfac- 
torily ascertained.  The  credit  of  the  deed,  however,  has  always 
been  Johnson's. 

In  1832,  Johnson  was  elected  Vice  President,  and  again  in  1836.  He 
died  in  1851. 


ISAAC    SHELBY. 

HE  enthusiasm  with  which  the 
volunteers  of  Kentucky  rallied 
to  the  defence  of  their  country 
in  the  summer  of  1813,  is  to  be 
attributed  in  a  great  measure  to 
the  influence  of  Isaac  Shelby, 
the  venerable  Governor  of  that 
state.  He  joined  the  army  of 
Harrison  with  four  thousand 
Kentuckians,  and  fought  in  per- 
son, at  the  age  of  sixty-three, 
in  the  battle  of  the  Thames.  For 

his  valuable  services  in  this  campaign,  Congress,  on  the  4th  of  April, 

1818,  voted  him  a  gold  medal. 

Shelby  was  born  on  the  estate  of  his  family,  near  the  North  Moun- 

139 


140  ISAAC    SHELBY. 

tain,  in  Maryland,  on  the  1 1th  of  December,  1 750.  His  father,  Ge- 
neral Evan  Shelby,  was  a  distinguished  soldier  in  the  Indian  wars, 
and  under  his  command  the  son  served  a  first  campaign  against 
the  savages  on  the  Scioto  river,  in  1774.  He  was  in  the  awful  bat- 
tle of  Kenhawa,  fought  during  that  year.  The  conflict  raged  from 
sunrise  to  sunset ;  and  when  the  struggle  was  over,  the  ground  along 
the  Ohio  was  strewed,  for  nearly  half  a  mile  with  the  bodies  of  the 
slain. 

In  1776,  Shelby  was  appointed  Captain  of  a  body  of  minute-men 
in  Virginia.  He  was  not,  however,  called  into  service,  and  in  1777, 
he  became  attached  to  the  commissary  department.  When,  by  the  ex- 
tension of  the  boundary  line  of  North  Carolina,  Shelby's  estate  be- 
came  included  in  the  latter  colony,  he  was  appointed  a  Colonel  of 
militia  by  Governer  Caswell.  He  was  absent  in  Kentucky,  laying 
out  some  lands  he  had  purchased  there  five  years  before,  when  he 
heard  of  the  fall  of  Charleston,  and  instantly  abandoning  his  private 
affairs,  he  hurried  to  offer  his  sword  to  his  country.  Placing  himself 
at  the  head  of  a  body  of  militia,  he  took  part  in  several  subsequent 
skirmishes  between  the  Americans  and  British.  At  last,  on  the  7th 
of  October,  1780,  the  battle  of  King's  Mountain  was  fought,  in  which 
the  English  leader,  Major  Ferguson,  at  the  head  of  his  riflemen,  was 
beaten,  and  that,  too,  in  a  position  from  which  he  had  vaimtingly 
declared,  "  God  Almighty  could  not  drive  him."  Shelby  was  one 
of  the  commanders  in  this  conflict.  By  a  vote  of  the  North  Carolina 
legislature,  he  and  his  brother  Colonels  were  presented  with  elegant 
swords  for  their  behavior  in  this  action.  After  serving  two  years 
longer,  chiefly  under  Marion,  he  retired  from  the  army. 

In  1783,  Shelby  returned  to  Kentucky,  where  he  settled  at  Boons 
borough.  He  was  the  first  person  in  that  State  who  took  up  a  pre  • 
emption  grant  for  the  purpose  of  cultivation ;  and  at  his  death,  forty 
three  years  after,  was  the  only  individual  residing  on  his  own 
settlement  and  pre-emption.  In  1812,  he  was  elected  Governor  of 
Kentucky.  During  the  next  year  he  organized  a  body  of  four  thou- 
send  volunteers,  and  marching  with  them  to  the  support  of  Harrison, 
participated  in  the  victory  of  the  Thames.  In  1817  he  was  offered 
the  War  Department,  but  declined  it  in  consequence  of  his  age.  He 
survived  until  the  18th  of  July,  1826,  when  a  stroke  of  apoplexy 
terminated  his  useful  and  glorious  life. 

Shelby  was  brave  to  a  fault.  He  could  endure  exposure  and  fa- 
tigue without  flinching.  He  was  remarkable  for  a  sound  common 
sense,  which  rendered  his  opinion  more  practically  useful  than  that 
»f  more  brilliant  men.  In  manners  he  was  courteous. 


8KNXBAL  BBOWJt  AT  THE  BATTLS  OF  CHTPFEWJU 


JACOB    BROWN. 


given  to  the  British. 


T  was  reserved  for  the  middle 
states  to  be  the  first  to  rally  the 
drooping  spirits  of  the  country, 
in  the  war  of  1812.  While  New 
England  held  coldly  aloof  from 
the  contest,  and  the  south  as  yet 
had  scarcely  roused  herself  for 
action,  New  York  and  Pennsyl- 
vania, then  as  now  the  two 
greatest  states  of  ^the  confedera- 
cy, came  gallantly  to  the  rescue. 
It  was  on  the  soil  of  New  York, 
and  principally  by  New  York 
troops  that  the  first  repulse  was 
It  was  a  Pennsylvania  General  that  won  the 

141 


142  JACOB    BROWN. 

victory.    We  allude  to  the  defeat  of  the  enemy  at  Sackett's  Harbor 
by  a  combined  force  of  regulars  and  militia  under  General  Brown. 

Jacob  Brown,  a  Major-General  in  the  American  army,  and  per- 
haps the  ablest  commander  in  the  war  of  1812,  was  born  in  Bucks 
county,  Pennsylvania,  in  the  year  1775.  His  ancestors,  for  several 
generations,  had  been  members  of  the  society  of  Friends.  His 
father  was  originally  a  farmer,  but  having  embarked  in  trade,  very 
soon  lost  the  whole  of  his  property ;  and  his  progeny,  among  them 
Jacob,  were  thrown  on  the  world  to  seek  a  subsistence,  while  still 
children.  This  happened  when  the  subject  of  our  memoir  was  but 
sixteen.  Having  an  ordinary  English  education,  he  resolved  to 
make  it  useful  as  a  country  schoolmaster,  and  accordingly  acted  in 
that  capacity  at  Crosswicks,  New  Jersey,  from  his  eighteenth  to  his 
twenty-first  year.  At  this  period  the  tide  of  emigration  was  just 
beginning  to  set  towards  Ohio,  and  young  Brown,  eager  to  improve 
his  fortunes,  resolved  to  move  out  to  that  territory.  He  accordingly 
went  to  Cincinnati,  and  obtaining  employment  as  a  surveyor, 
iemainedtwo  years  in  that  vicinity;  but  finding  the  reality  of  west- 
ern life  less  alluring  than  he  had  been  led  to  expect  it,  he  returned 
to  the  eastern  states.  In  1798  he  was  teaching  school  in  New  York. 
He  continued  at  this,  however,  but  a  few  months.  He  next  turned 
his  attention  to  the  law,  but  finally  abandoned  this  also.  He  now- 
purchased  a  tract  of  land  in  Jefferson  county,  New  York,  for  he  had 
acquired  some  property  in  his  various  pursuits,  and,  in  1799,  he 
removed  to  his  new  possession,  then  a  wild  clearing  in  the  heart  of 
the  wilderness. 

The  district,  however,  rapidly  improved ;  and  with  the  rise  of  its 
fortunes  rose  those  of  Brown.  Here  on  this  exposed  border,  he 
began  to  show  those  qualities  of  mind,  which  subsequently  raised 
him  to  the  head  of  the  American  army,  and  which  would  have 
enrolled  his  name  among  the  most  renowned  of  military  command- 
ers, if  a  wider  sphere  had  been  found  for  their  exercise.  Bold,  saga- 
cious, brave  to  a  fault ;  persevering,  industrious,  full  of  resources ; 
firm  and  decided  in  character ;  never  shrinking  from  assuming  the 
responsibility  of  an  action  which  his  judgment  approved,  he  was  just 
the  man  to  acquire  influence  among  the  rough,  but  shrewd  border- 
ers with  whom  he  was  now  thrown  into  contact.  He  soon  took  the 
lead  among  his  fellow-citizens,  and  was  looked  up  to  upon  all  occa- 
sions. In  1809  he  was  appointed  to  command  a  regiment  of  militia, 
and  in  1811  elevated  to  the  rank  of  a  Brigadier-General.  When 
the  war  of  1812  broke  out,  he  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  brigade, 
and  with  the  charge  of  defending  two  hundred  miles  of  exposed 


JACOB    BROWN.  143 

frontier.  But  this  novel  and  responsible  position  found  him  full  of 
resources  to  meet  the  exigency.  On  the  4th  of  October,  1812,  at  the 
head  of  four  hundred  men,  he  repulsed  the  British,  eight  hundred 
strong,  in  an  attack  on  Ogdensburg.  His  term  of  service  having 
expired  shortly  after,  he  returned  home  and  resumed  the  plough. 

The  administration  of  Mr.  Madison,  appreciating  his  services  and 
ability,  now  endeavored  to  secure  his  aid  permanently  during  the 
war;  and  accordingly  offered  him  a  Colonel's  commission  in  the  regu- 
lar army.  This,  however,  he  declined,  not  from  unwillingness  to 
serve,  but  from  a  resolution  not  to  take  a  lower  rank  than  he  already 
held.  He  felt  that  he  was  fitted  for  great  emergencies,  and  was  con- 
tent patiently  to  wait  until  he  should  be  better  appreciated.  If  that 
never  should  occur,  he  was  satisfied  to  remain  in  his  peaceful  avoca- 
tion as  a  farmer.  But  never  was  there  a  truer  saying  than  that  talent 
always  finds  its  level,  or  never  was  it  more  forcibly  exemplified  than 
in  the  cases  of  Jackson  and  Brown.  Both  were  refused  the  commis- 
sions they  sought,  in  the  beginning  of  the  conflict ;  yet  both  subse- 
quently forced  them,  as  it  were,  from  the  country,  by  their  genius 
for  war.  Both  were  emphatically  heroes  of  the  people.  Both  started 
to  life,  robust  and  armed,  military  commanders  full  born.  Both  only 
needed  a  wider  sphere  of  action  to  have  become  among  the  most  cele- 
brated professors  of  the  military  art.  With  the  field  that  opened  itself 
before  the  Marshals  of  Napoleon,  Jackson  would  have  rivalled  Ney, 
and  Brown  surpassed  Macdonald. 

The  residence  of  Brown  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  Sackett's  Har- 
bor, at  that  time  the  chief  depot  for  stores  on  the  lake.  Here  was 
collected  the  plunder  of  York ;  here  were  building  the  vessels  destined 
to  annoy  the  enemy  ;  and  here  were  stowed  the  munitions  of  war 
that  had  been  transported,  at  great  expense,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
shores  of  Lake  Ontario.  Though  it  was  scarcely  thought  probable 
that  the  British  would  venture  to  attack  this  place,  the  value  of  the 
prize  rendered  it  possible  that  the  attempt  might  be  made ;  and  Colo- 
nel Backus,  who  had  been  left  in  command  of  the  post,  was  instructed, 
in  case  of  any  such  expedition,  to  summon  General  Brown  to  his 
assistance.  It  was  not  long  before  the  contingency,  thus  provided 
for,  arrived.  To  retaliate  for  the  capture  of  York,  Prevost  conceived 
the  design  of  attacking  Sackett's  Harbor.  This  idea  was  adopted 
during  a  visit  to  Kingston,  where  he  heard  that  General  Dearborn 
had  withdrawn  most  of  the  garrison  to  assist  in  the  expedition  against 
Fort  George.  Accordingly,  on  the  27th  of  May,  1813,  Prevost  began 
his  movement  at  the  head  of  nearly  a  thousand  men;  his  troops  em- 
barking in  small  boats,  and  under  convoy  of  the  fleet  commanded  by  Sir 


144  JACOB    BROWBT. 

James  Yeo.  It  was  his  intention  to  reach  Sackett's  Harbor  in  the 
night,  and  at  daybreak  to  assault  and  carry  the  place  by  surprise. 
The  winds  proved  adverse,  however, and  it  was  not  until  ten  o'c.bck 
on  the  evening  of  the  28th  that  he  reached  his  destination.  At  day- 
break of  the  29th  he  made  his  attack.  Meantime,  his  fleet  had  been 
seen  on  the  lake,  and  notice  promptly  carried  to  the  harbor.  The 
guns  of  the  fort  gave  the  alarm  to  the  surrounding  country.  The 
people  rose.  By  noon  of  the  28th,  six  hundred  militia  had  rallied  to 
the  defence  of  the  place ;  and  at  their  head  came  Brown,  summoned 
in  this  emergency,  like  Cincinnatus,  from  his  plough.  An  express  had 
found  him  at  his  farm,  eight  miles  from  the  harbor,  and  instantly  mount- 
ing, he  had  hurried  to  the  scene  of  action,  rousing  the  militia  as  he 
came.  His  every  movement  marked  the  man  born  to  command.  The 
crisis  found  him,  cool,  ready,  inexhaustible.  It  was  one  of  those  emer- 
gencies in  which  a  bold  and  intrepid  genius  like  his,  finds  its  true  ele- 
ment, while  minds  of  less  power  sink  under  the  responsibility. 

During  the  whole  of  the  28th  the  Americans  were  preparing  for 
the  attack.  Brown,  being  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  neighbor- 
hood, was  at  no  loss  to  know  the  point  where  the  enemy  would  proba- 
bly land.  His  dispositions  were  made  accordingly.  He  placed  the  mili- 
tia and  volunteers  in  the  first  line,  and  assigned  to  them  the  task  of 
meeting  the  enemy  on  his  disembarkation.  Midway  between  the 
shore  and  village,  and  on  ground  rendered  difficult  of  approach  by  an 
abattis,  he  arranged  the  second  line,  which  was  composed  of  regular 
troops,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Backus.  A  few 
artillerists  were  charged  with  the  custody  of  the  forts,  where,  in  case 
of  a  defeat,  Brown  had  prepared  to  make  a  last  desperate  stand. 
The  location  of  the  front  line  was  partially  altered,  almost  at  the  mo- 
ment of  attack,  in  consequence  of  the  enemy  changing  the  point  of 
his  disembarkation,  when  he  saw  the  stubborn  preparations  of  the 
Americans.  The  troops,  however,  had  full  time  to  take  their  new 
position  before  the  enemy  could  land.  Brown  himself  superintended 
their  line  of  battle.  "  Hide  yourselves,"  he  said,  "  as  much  as  possi- 
ble, and  do  not  fire  until  you  can  see  the  buttons  of  the  enemy.  If  you 
are  forced  to  retire,  by  superior  numbers,  throw  yourselves  into  the 
wood,  rally,  and  assail  the  foe  in  flank.  If  you  cannot  then  stop  him, 
retire  on  the  left  and  rear  of  Colonel  Backus,  and  wait  for  further 
orders.  Only  be  cool  and  resolute  and  the  day  is  our  own." 

He  had  scarcely  delivered  these  words  when  the  British  were  seen 
close  at  hand,  their  numerous  boats  apparently  crowded  with  sol 
diers.     The  day  was  partially  clear,  with  a   slight  mist  hanging 
around  ;  and  the  glitter  of  the  enemy's  arms,  perhaps,  magnified  his 


JACOB    BROWN.  145 

numbers.  None  of  the  militia  or  volunteers  had  been  in  battle  be- 
fore ;  and  awe  of  the  British  regulars'  skill  haunted  the  popular 
mind ;  hence,  when  the  front  line  of  the  Americans  beheld  the  im- 
posing array  of  the  enemy,  it  lost  its  self-possession,  and  began  to 
fire  too  soon,  and  in  a  desultory  manner.  At  such  a  crisis  it  is 
astonishing  how  few  can  infect  the  whole  mass.  One  or  two  at  first 
discharged  their  pieces,  and  this  spread  alarm  in  others,  so  that,  in 
less  than  a  minute,  the  whole  line  had  delivered  its  fire.  As  might 
have  been  expected,  the  men  overshot  their  assailants,  and  scarcely 
one  of  the  enemy  was  seen  to  fall.  The  inefficiency  of  their  fire 
increased  the  perturbation  of  the  volunteers ;  each  looked  for  coun- 
tenance in  his  neighbor  and  found  none ;  a  panic  was  the  conse- 
quence ;  and  the  whole  body,  breaking  ground,  took  to  flight  igno- 
miniously.  In  vain  their  officers  strove  to  rally  them.  Once  thorough- 
ly frightened,  nothing  could  allay  their  terror.  Forgetful  of  Brown's 
orders  to  collect  again  in  the  wood,  forgetful  of  the  direction  after- 
wards to  gather  in  the  rear  of  Colonel  Backus,  forgetful  of  everything 
but  their  own  alarm,  they  hurried  frantically  onward,  some  even 
throwing  away  their  guns,  a  mortifying  and  cowardly  spectacle 
Two  companies,  however,  resisted  this  general  consternation.  They 
were  headed  by  Captains  M'Nett  and  Collins,  and  gallantly  rallied 
to  the  fight. 

With  inexplicable  chagrin,  Brown  saw  the  flight  of  the  militia  and 
volunteers ;  but  his  second  line  still  stood  firm,  and  to  this  he  now 
devoted  all  his  attention.  By  the  disgraceful  retreat  of  the  front 
line,  the  position  of  the  regulars,  however,  was  rendered  untenable. 
But  this  did  not  disconcert  Brown.  Falling  back,  step  by  step,  dis- 
puting every  inch  of  ground,  he  took  shelter  in  some  log  huts  which 
had  been  prepared  for  the  winter  accommodation  of  the  soldiers,  and 
here  prepared  to  resist  the  now  overpowering  numbers  of  the  enemy. 
This  new  post  he  soon  rendered  impregnable.  In  vain  the  British, 
flushed  with  their  first  victory,  advanced  with  loud  cheers  to  the 
assault.  A  sharp  and  well  aimed  volley  checked  their  steps.  Brown 
did  not  give  them  time  to  recover,  before  he  threw  in  another  vol- 
ley. At  this  moment,  however,  flames  were  seen  rising  from  the 
place  where  the  stores  were  collected ;  for  the  officer  left  in  their 
charge,  seeing  the  flight  of  the  front  line,  had  deemed  the  day  lost, 
and  h'astened  to  execute  his  orders.  Soon  dark  volumes  of  pitchy 
smoke  began  to  roll  upwards  to  the  sky,  relieved  here  and  there  by 
forky  tongues  of  flame,  leaping  about  in  the  wildest  confusion.  Ani- 
mated by  this  sight,  the  British  raised  a  second  shout,  and  rushed 
foi  ward,  under  cover  of  a  heavy  fire.  But  the  American  regulars, 

19 


146  JACOB    BROWN. 

with  the  heroic  Backus  at  their  head,  stood  immoveable.  For  a  few- 
minutes  only  the  result  was  doubtful.  The  vollies  of  the  enemy 
rattled  without  intermission,  and  the  scanty  front  of  the  Americans 
was  enveloped  in  sheets  of  fire.  Soon  the  British  began  to  waver. 
At  this  moment  Backus,  while  cheering  on  his  men,  received  a 
mortal  shot,  and  fell  in  the  arms  of  victory.  Brown,  meantime, 
had  hastened  to  the  rear,  and  succeeded  in  rallying  three  or  four 
nundred  of  the  militia,  with  whom  he  advanced  to  cut  off  the 
enemy's  rear.  But  the  British,  alarmed  at  this  demonstration,  now 
began  to  retire  on  all  sides.  Indeed,  to  have  remained  longer,  a 
mark  for  the  deadly  fire  from  the  block-house  and  battery,  would 
have  been  madness,  even  if  their  retreat  had  not  been  threatened. 
Accordingly,  Prevost  drew  off  his  men,  and  forming  them  on  the 
east  of  the  hill  proceeded  immediately  after  to  re-embark.  As  they  hur- 
ried to  their  boats,  mortified  and  enraged  at  this  unexpected  result, 
their  sight  was  cheered  by  a  spectacle,  which,  in  part  afforded  a 
grim  satisfaction  for  their  disgrace.  It  was  the  burning  barracks 
and  store-houses.  These  buildings  were  now  a  sheet  of  flame,  and 
being  filled  with  highly  combustible  materials,  the  roar  of  the  con- 
flagration was  heard  far  and  near.  By  that  stern  music  the  enemy 
re-embarked. 

The  intelligence  of  this  victory  was  hailed  with  rapturous 
applause  throughout  the  Union,  and  by  universal  consent  Brown 
rose  at  once  to  a  first  place  in  the  public  opinion.  The  government 
showed  its  grateful  appreciation  of  his  conduct  by  creating  him  a 
Brigadier.  Both  friend  and  foe  acknowledged,  as  if  by  secret  instinct, 
that  a  military  leader  of  ability  had  arisen  at  last  in  this  country. 
An  opinion  which  heretofore  had  been  breathed  only  in  whis- 
pers, was  now  boldly  proclaimed:  it  was  said  that  the  incom- 
petency  of  the  old  Generals  had  been  endured  long  enough, 
and  that  it  was  full  time  that  abler  commanders,  fresh  from 
the  people,  should  have  their  places.  From  this  period,  indeed,  we 
may  date  an  improvement  in  the  character  of  the  leaders,  and  a 
more  daring  spirit  of  enterprise  in  the  management  of  the  war. 
The  days  of  the  Hulls,  Wilkinsons,  and  Dearborns,  were  nearly 
over ;  that  of  the  Browns,  Scotts,  Jessups,  and  Jacksons,  was 
approaching.  The  spirit  of  the  people  which  had  begun  to  despond, 
from  this  hour  rallied ;  enthusiasm  took  the  place  of  want  of  •confi 
dence ;  and  headed  by  leaders  whom  it  could  love,  the  army  went 
gallantly  from  victory  to  victory.  Chippewa  and  Lundy's  Lane 
followed  upon  Sackett's  Harbor,  and  the  brilliant  spectacle  closed  at 
New  Orleans  in  a  blaze  of  glory  ! 

The  letter  in  which  Brown  modestly  announced  his  victory,  is 


JACOB    BROWN.  147 

worthy  of  being  preserved :  it  is  terse,  unaffected,  and  eminently 
characteristic  of  the  man.  There  is  nothing  of  exaggeration,  nothing 
of  bombast  about  it.  In  reading  it,  we  perceive  that  victory  has  not 
destroyed  the  even  balance  of  his  mind. 

"MAY29TH,  1S13. 

We  were  attacked  at  the  dawn  of  this  day  by  a  British  regular 
force  of  at  least  nine  hundred  men,  most  probably  twelve  hundred. 
They  made  their  landing  at  Horse  Island.  The  enemy's  fleet  con- 
sisted of  two  ships  and  four  schooners,  and  thirty  large  open  boats, 
We  are  completely  victorious.  The  enemy  lost  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  killed  and  wounded  on  the  field,  among  the  number  several 
officers  of  distinction.  After  having  re-embarked,  they  sent  me  a 
flag,  desiring  to  have  their  killed  and  wounded  attended  to.  I  have 
made  them  satisfied  on  that  subject.  Americans  will  be  distinguished 
for  humanity  and  bravery.  Our  loss  is  not  numerous,  but  serious 
from  the  great  worth  of  those  who  have  fallen.  Colonel  Mills  was 
shot  dead  at  the  commencement  of  the  action  ;  and  Colonel  Backus, 
of  the  first  regiment  of  light  dragoons,  nobly  fell  at  the  head  of 
his  regiment  as  victory  was  declaring  for  us.  I  will  not  presume  to 
praise  this  regiment ;  their  gallant  conduct  on  this  day  merits  much 
more  than  praise.  The  new  ship,  and  Commodore  Chauncey's 
prize,  the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  are  safe  in  Sackett's  Harbor.  Sir 
George  Prevost  landed  and  commanded  in  person.  Sir  James  Yeo 
commanded  the  enemy's  fleet. 

In  haste,  yours,  &c., 

_,•  ^  JACOB  BROWN." 

On  receiving  a  commission  in  the  regular  army,  Brown  at  once 
abandoned  his  farm,  and  devoted  himself  to  the  service  of  his  coun- 
try. He  accompanied  Wilkinson,  in  the  ensuing  autumn,  in  his 
expedition  down  the  St.  Lawrence.  Being  the  officer  of  the  day 
during  the  passage  of  the  British  fort  at  Prescott,  the  direction  of 
that  difficult  and  somewhat  perilous  enterprise  devolved  on  himself, 
a  task  which  he  performed  with  signal  skill  and  resolution.  At 
French  Creek  he  repulsed,  with  his  brigade,  an  imposing  force  of 
the  enemy.  He  moved  continually  in  advance  of  the  main  army 
and  was  already  several  miles  ahead  of  Wilkinson,  pressing  on  to 
Montreal,  when  he  received,  with  undisguised  chagrin,  the  order  of 
that  officer  to  fall  back,  since  the  expedition  was  to  be  abandoned. 
The  army  now  retired  to  winter  quarters.  Wilkinson,  on  the  plea 
of  sickness,  left  the  camp,  and  the  other  seniors  of  Brown  being  also 
absent,  he  now  found  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army.  Early  in 
the  year  1814,  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Major-General. 


148 


JACOB    BROWN. 


The  new  campaign  accordingly  opened  under  the  happiest  aus- 
pices. The  elevation  of  Brown  to  the  chief  command  at  once  inspired 
confidence.  His  gallantry  at  Sackett's  Harbor,  and  his  courage 
under  Wilkinson,  were  the  theme  of  every  tongue.  His  officers 
were  in  the  highest  spirits,  and  the  men  relied  on  victory.  Mean- 
time, he  left  no  preparatory  measures  untried  which  could  assist  in 
securing  success,  particularly  devoting  himself  to  the  thorough  disci- 
pline of  his  troops.  In  this  task  he  found  a  valuable  assistant  in 
Scott,  then  just  elevated  to  the  rank  of  a  Brigadier.  That  officer 
established  a  camp  of  instruction  at  Buffalo,  where,  adopting  the 


system  of  Napoleon's  army,  the  officers  were  first  rigorously  drilled, 
without  regard  to  rank,  by  the  commanding  General ;  and  then 
these  officers  in  turn,  instructed  the  rank  and  file  under  their  immedi- 
ate eye.  It  was  in  fact  renewing  the  scenes  of  Valley  Forge,  when 
Baron  Steuben  first  made  soldiers  of  the  raw  levies  of  Washington, 
and  with  the  same  effect.  The  one  trained  the  men,  who,  a  few 
months  later,  drove  the  British  grenadiers  at  Monmouth  ;  the  other 
instructed  the  future  conquerors  of  Chippewa  and  Lundy's  Lane. 

Having  become  satisfied  with  the  proficiency  of  his  troops,  Brown 
resolved  to  cross  the  Niagara,  and  begin  the  aggressive.  Accord- 
ingly, on  the  3d  of  July,  1813,  the  brigade  of  Scott  was  sent  over  to 
the  British  shore,  below  Fort  Erie,  and  was  followed,  on  the  same 


JACOB   BROWN.  149 

day  by  that  of  Ripley,  which  landed  below.  Fort  Erie,  being  thus 
invested,  surrendered  without  firing  a  shot.  Leaving  a  small  garri- 
son in  the  captured  fort,  Brown  now  pushed  forward  in  the  direc 
tion  of  Chippewa,  where  the  main  body  of  the  British  was  known 
to  be  encamped.  The  enemy's  force  was  commanded  by  Major 
General  Riall,  and  was  estimated  at  three  thousand.  The  brigade 
of  Scott  moved  in  advance  of  the  rest  of  the  American  army,  with 
orders  to  drive  in  any  outlying  parties  of  the  British  it  should  meet. 
The  day  was  that  glorious  one  in  the  history  of  our  country,  the 
fourth  of  July.  As  the  troops  marched,  the  national  air  greeted 
their  ears  at  frequently  recurring  intervals,  amid  prouder  bursts  of 
music  ;  while  the  soft  summer  breeze  that  floated  by,  dallied  with 
the  flag  of  America,  making  the  stars  dance  and  quiver  in  the  morn 
ing  sunbeams.  Every  man  felt  inspirited  by  the  scene,  by  the 
music,  and  by  the  associations ;  and  with  quickened  steps  marched 
on.  It  was  not  long  before  a  detachment  of  the  British  army,  con- 
sisting of  the  one-hundredth  regiment,  came  in  sight.  This  body 
was  commanded  by  the  Marquis  of  Tweedale.  A  sharp  action  im- 
mediately ensued,  which  continued  for  some  hours,  being  maintained 
as  a  running  fight,  the  Americans  advancing,  and  the  English  falling 
back.  At  last,  after  a  retreat  of  sixteen  miles,  the  enemy  reached 
the  Chippewa  river,  across  which  he  hastily  retired.  Dusk  was 
now  gathering  around  the  landscape.  On  the  opposite  shore, 
however,  could  be  discerned  through  the  gloom  the  dark  masses  of 
Riall's  army,  protected  by  heavy  batte  ries,  in  the  midst  of  which  the  one 
hundredth  regiment  had  taken  refuge.  To  have  maintained  the 
pursuit  at  that  hour,  and  under  the  circumstances,  would  have  been 
madness.  Accordingly,  halting  his  troops,  Scott  resolved  to  await 
the  arrival  of  the  main  body,  and  his  men,  in  consequence,  pitched 
their  camp  about  two  miles  from  that  of  the  enemy.  So  close  were 
the  two  armies,  and  so  calm  and  still  was  the  night,  that  as 
the  hours  wore  on,  the  troops  in  either  army  could  distinguish  the 
various  noises  of  the  enemy ;  and  many  a  brave  soldier,  as  he 
bivouacked  on  the  bare  ground,  heard  these  sounds  in  dreams, 
where  mingling  with  thoughts  of  home,  they  produced  a  strange 
medley  of  sad  and  sweet  images. 

The  morning  dawned  close  and  sultry.  Not  a  cloud  obscured  the 
sky,  and  scarcely  a  breath  of  wind  stirred,  ominous  signs  these  of  a 
hot  and  dusty  day  for  the  battle  that  impended.  The  British  lay 
behind  the  Chippewa,  commanding  a  bridge  that  led  across  the 
stream  and  debouched  into  a  comparatively  open  plain.  This  plain, 
at  its  opposite  extremity,  was  bounded  by  another  small  stream, 

XIII* 


150  JACOB   BROWN. 

called  Street's  Creek,  behind  which  the  American  army  had  taken 
up  its  position  the  night  before.  On  its  two  other  sides  this  plain 
was  skirted  by  the  Niagara  River,  and  by  a  belt  of  heavy  woodland. 
Nature  appeared,  indeed,  to  have  constructed  the  piece  of  ground 
expressly  for  a  field  of  battle,  and  both  commanders,  sensible  of 
this,  seemed  to  have  made  up  their  minds  here  to  try  their  fortunes. 
Brown  was  already  preparing  to  leave  his  position,  cross  into  the 
plain,  and  attack  the  enemy  in  his  lines  at  Chippewa,  when  the 
videttes  announced  that  Riall  was  beginning  to  appear  in  force  on 
the  plain  himself,  as  if  eager  to  seek  the  proffered  contest.  This 
news  was  soon  followed  by  the  sound  of  firing,  showing  that  the 
advanced  posts  of  the  two  armies  had  begun  to  skirmish.  The  wood 
which  we  have  mentioned,  and  which  was  on  the  American  left, 
now  began  to  swarm  with  the  militia  and  Indians  of  the  enemy, 
which,  gaining  ground  as  the  day  advanced,  by  noon  were  able 
materially  to  annoy  the  American  pickets.  Brown,  on  this, 
despatched  General  Porter  with  the  volunteers  and  militia,  by  a 
circuitous  route,  to  get  in  the  rear  of  the  Indians,  and  cut  them  off 
from  the  main  body.  At  the  same  time  he  ordered  his  advance  to 
fall  back,  in  hopes  thus  to  draw  them  on.  In  about  half  an  hour, 
however,  Porter  came  suddenly  upon  the  light  parties  of  the  enemy 
in  the  wood.  A  heavy  fire  succeeded  from  each  of  the  opposing 
detachments,  and  was  maintained  for  some  time,  when  the  British 
irregulars  gave  way,  and  began  to  retire  on  Chippewa.  The  retreat^ 
however,  had  not  progressed  far,  when  it  was  checked  by  the 
arrh  al  of  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  on  the  field.  The  British 
irregulars  now  rallied,  and  with  exulting  cheers,  deeming  the  day 
their  own,  bore  down  on  the  American  line.  For  a  moment  the 
latter  withstood  the  shock,  but  soon  intimidated  by  the  imposing 
front  of  the  enemy's  regulars,  which  now  extended  far  and  near 
they  broke  and  fled.  Every  effort  of  General  Porter  to  check  their 
dismay,  was  in  vain. 

Brown  himself  had  been  in  the  wood  with  Porter,  when  the  noise 
of  firing  in  the  direction  of  Chippewa  attracted  his  attention,  and 
immediately  he  knew  by  the  clouds  of  dust  rising  in  the  *distance, 
that  the  enemy  was  advancing.  It  was  now  four  o'clock.  The  sun, 
declining  in  the  western  firmament,  threw  a  yellow  haze  across  the 
plain  ;  and  a  myriad  of  particles,  seemingly  of  fine  gold  dust,  formed  a 
canopy  over  the  British  army.  Occasionally,  a  light  breeze,  drifting 
aside  this  veil,  disclosed  the  flashing  arms,  the  blackened  banners, 
and  the  confident  step  of  Riall's  veterans :  for  the  regulars  of  that 
General  were  no  common  troops,  but  men  disciplined  on  many  a 


JACOB    BROWN.  151 

hard  fought  field,  and  proud  of  their  frequent  victories.  Now  and 
then  a  puff  of  white  smoke,  looking  in  the  distance  as  if  from  a 
solitary  gun,  would  shoot  out  from  this  gilded  curtain,  and  immedi- 
ately afterwards,  a  faint  report  came  struggling  up  to  the  ear. 
Perhaps  never  did  any  General  gaze  on  a  more  splendid  spectacle. 
But  not  a  moment  was  to  be  lost,  and  so,  putting  spurs  to  his  horse, 
Brown  galloped,  with  his  suite,  in  the  direction  of  the  bridge, 
which,  crossing  Street's  Creek,  in  front  of  the  American  camp,  was 
the  only  outlet  for  our  army  into  the  plain  beyond.  Just  before  he 
reached  that  spot,  he  met  General  Scott,  who,  in  ignorance  of  the 
advance  of  the  British,  was  moving  his  brigade  in  that  direction,  in 
relief  dress,  merely  for  the  purpose  of  a  drill.  Brown  drew  in  his 
rein,  and  pointing  with  his  sword  across  to  the  plain,  said  to  his 
subordinate  :  "  The  enemy  is  coming  up — you  will  have  a  fight — 
move  on,  and  cross  the  bridge."  Having  pronounced  these  words, 
he  passed  hastily  to  the  rear,  to  put  Ripley's  brigade  in  motion,  and 
to  re-assemble  the  light  troops  behind  Street's  Creek. 

In  an  instant  every  man  in  the  brigade  of  Scott  was  aware  of 
the  order,  and  with  an  alacrity  that  showed  they  had  not  forgotten 
the  triumph  of  the  day  before,  they  moved  towards  the  bridge.  It 
was  not  until  he  reached  this  spot  that  Scott  could  obtain  a  sight  of 
the  foe.  He  then  saw  the  British  veterans,  however,  displayed  on 
the  plain,  their  masses  of  infantry  intermixed  with  dragoons  and 
artillery,  extending  far  away  to  right  and  left,  without  a  perceptible 
gap  in  the  whole  of  that  long  front.  A  battery  of  nine  pieces, 
within  point  blank,  opened  its  fire  on  the  bridge  as  soon  as  the 
Americans  appeared.  Scott  did  not  hesitate  a  moment,  however, 
but  immediately  crossed,  and  in  perfect  order,  though  riot  without 
loss.  As  soon  as  the  first  and  second  battalions,  led  by  Majors 
Leavenworth  and  McNeilly,  had  reached  the  plain,  they  promptly 
formed  a  line  in  front,  which  brought  them  opposite,  respectively,  to 
the  left  and  centre  of  the  enemy.  When  the  third  battalion,  which 
was  commanded  by  Major  Jessup,  had  traversed  the  bridge,  Scott 
moved  it  off  obliquely  to  the  left,  in  order  to  prevent  the  British 
from  outflanking  him  in  that  direction.  This  left  the  spaces  between 
the  battalions  of  considerable  size ;  but  no  other  resource  remained. 
The  artillery  under  Captain  Towson,  was  stationed  to  the  right, 
resting  on  the  Chippewa  road.  No  sooner  had  it  got  into  position, 
than  the  guns  were  promptly  unlimbered,  and  soon  opened  with 
terrible  effect  on  the  columns  of  the  enemy.  Meantime,  the  two 
armies  continued  to  advance  on  each  other,  the  troops  halting  to  fire, 
and  then  pushing  on,  until  the  space  between  became  packed  with 


152  JACOB   BROWN. 

smoke.  The  English  officers  had  been  told  that  Scott  had  nothing 
but  militia  with  him;  but  when  they  saw  the  coolness  with  which 
his  troops  came  into  action,  one  of  them  exclaimed :  "  If  these  are 
militia,  God  keep  the  regulars  from  us !" 

The  right  of  the  British  had  been  pushed  so  far,  in  the  hope  of 
outflanking  the  Americans,  that  it  had  actually  entered  the  forest, 
and  thither  Major  Jessup  following  it,  according  to  his  orders  not  to 
be  outflanked,  it  became  finally  separated  from  the  main  body.  This 
ga^ve  the  British  a  new  right  flank  on  the  plain,  threatening  to  effect 
the  very  purpose  that  Jessup  had  been  sent  to  defeat.  Scott,  per- 
ceiving this,  hastened  to  throw  forward  the  left  flank  of  O'Neil's 
battalion,  which  brought  it  obliquely  to  the  enemy's  front,  and,  in 
turn,  outflanked  him  a  little.  All  this  time  the  two  armies  had  con- 
tinued to  approach  each  other,  keeping  up  a  constant  and  heavy 
fire.  Scott,  just  before,  noticing  that  Towson  overshot  the  enemy, 
galloped  down  the  line  to  the  battery,  and  seeing  its  gallant  com- 
mander so  enveloped  in  smoke,  that  neither  he  nor  his  men 
could  see  the  British  any  longer,  had  pointed  them  out. 
Instantly  changing  the  direction  of  his  pieces,  Towson  pre- 
pared to  load  them  for  a  final  discharge,  while  Scott  returned 
back  to  the  battalions  on  the  right,  where  he  executed  the  move- 
ment by  which  he  outflanked  the  foe.  At  this  crisis,  the  enemy 
was  not  more  than  eighty  paces  distant.  It  was  the  moment  for 
decisive  action.  To  have  waited  an  instant,  would  have  given 
Riall  the  opportunity,  perhaps,  to  extend  his  flank,  and  recover  the 
advantage  he  had  just  lost.  But  this  instant  Scott  did  not  allow  him. 
Turning  to  M'Neil's  battalion,  he  pointed  with  his  sword  towards 
the  enemy,  and  in  a  voice  that  rose,  loud  and  distinct  over  all  the 
uproar  of  the  strife,  shouted :  "  Men  of  the  eleventh  !  the  enemy  say 
we  are  good  at  a  long  shot,  but  cannot  stand  the  cold  iron.  I  call  on 
you  to  give  the  lie  to  that  slander.  Charge  !"  At  the  word,  the 
bayonets  of  that  veteran  battalion  were  levelled,  and  they  rushed 
upon  the  foe,  a  bristling  wall  of  steel.  Instantaneously,  too,  Leaven- 
worth's  battalion,  which  held  an  oblique  position  on  the  enemy's 
light,  sprang  also  to  the  charge,  and  thus  crushed,  as  it  were, 
between  two  moving  phalanxes,  the  British,  with  a  wild  cry  of  horror 
broke  and  fled.  The  final  impulse  to  their  panic,  if  any  had  been 
wanting,  was  given  by  the  fire  of  Towson's  pieces,  which,  at  this 
critical  moment,  sent  their  tempest  of  grape  through  and  through  the 
enemy's  ranks.  Almost  simultaneously  too,  Major  Jessup,  in  the 
wood,  had  advanced  his  men  to  a  new  and  more¥  secure  position, 
where  their  fire  proved  so  hot  and  quick,  that  the  foe  there  were 
forced  to  retire  also. 


JACOB    BROWN.  153 

While  the  brigade  of  Scott  had  been  achieving  this  victory,  that 
of  Ripley  had  not  been  inactive.  Brown  had  no  sooner  left  Scott  than 
he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  these  battalions,  and  advanced  with 
them  on  the  left,  behind  the  woods,  hoping  to  gain  the  rear  of  the 
enemy's  right  flank.  But  by  the  almost  instantaneous  success  of 
Scott,  the  foe  was*  in  full  retreat  before  this  could  be  effected.  The 
whole  of  the  American  army,  now  uniting,  however,  advanced 
with  loud  cheers,  the  bands  playing  in  triumph.  It  is  said  to  have 
been  a  magnificent  spectacle.  The  sun  hung  on  the  very  verge  of 
the  horizon,  and  the  dust  that  floated  over  the  plain  was  more 
golden  than  ever,  while  here  and  there  were  particles  of  smoke  that 
lit  by  a  stray  beam,  gleamed  out  like  frosted  silver  on  the  scene.  As 
the  victors  pressed  on  across  the  plain,  they  found  it  everywhere 
strewed  with  the  dead  and  dying,  proving  how  destructive  had  been 
their  fire.  As  soon  as  the  British  gained  the  sloping  ground  descend- 
ing towards  Chippewa,  they  broke  and  ran  to  their  trenches- 
The  pursuit  was  not  stopped  until  the  enemy  had  thrown  him- 
self across  the  Chippewa,  and  found  a  secure  covert  within  his 
entrenchments.  By  this  time  Brown  had  arrived  in  person,  and 
ordered  the  ordnance  to  be  brought  up,  intending  to  force  the  works, 
but  their  strength,  and  the  lateness  of  the  hour,  induced  him  to 
abandon  the  attempt.  The  sun  had  now  gone  down.  One  by  one 
the  stars  appeared  in  the  sky,  but  notwithstanding  this,  the  darkness 
increased ;  for  the  clouds  of  dust  settling  but  slowly,  still  hung  over 
the  plain,  and  added  to  the  gloom  of  the  hour.  All  things  seemed 
gradually  to  assume  a  look  and  voice  of  foreboding.  The  wind  was 
heard  wailing  in  the  recesses  of  the  neighboring  forest ;  the  Niagara 
surged  mournfully  along ;  and  from  the  plain  rose  up  alow,  confused, 
but  melancholy  murmur,  for  there,  nearly  a  thousand  men  lay,  moan- 
ing in  suffering,  or  looking  up  with  dead,  pale  faces,  to  the  stars ! 
As  the  night  deepened,  however,  that  ominous  mingling  of  sounds 
grew  fainter  and  fainter,  as  soul  after  soul  went  up  to  its  Maker. 
Humane  steps  at  last  were  heard  on  that  plain,  and  the  wounded 
were  borne  off  and  succored.  Finally  a  death-like  silence  fell  on  all 
the  landscape.  The  two  armies,  in  their  respective  camps,  slept 
in  deep  slumber  after  the  fatigues  of  the  day,  and  no  sound  broke 
the  profound  stillness,  except  the  occasional  cry  of  a  sentry,  or  the 
hoarse  murmur  of  the  Niagara. 

The  second  day  after  this  battle,  the  Americans  crossed  the  Chip- 
pewa, the  British  burning  their  barracks,  abandoning  their  position, 
and  retiring  to  forts  Niagara  and  George.  Brown  followed  in 
pursuit.  The  expectation  of  receiving  some  heavy  guns  from 

20 


154 


JACOB    BROWN. 


Sackett's  Harbor,  delayed  his  movements  for  the  next  fortnight ;  but, 
on  the  25th  of  July,  having  received  an  express  from  General  Gaines, 
advising  him  of  the  blockade  of  that  port,  by  a  superior  force,  he  was 
compelled  to  abandon  his  designs  against  the  forts  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Niagara,  and  seek  success  in  some  other  enterprise.  His  active 
mind  was  not  long  in  fixing  on  its  prey.  He  determined  to  dis- 
encumber the  army  of  baggage,  and  march  directly  on  Burlington 
Heights.  But  in  order  to  conceal  this  intention  from  the  enemy,  as 
well  as  to  obtain  a  supply  of  provisions  from  Schlosser,  he  fell  back 
on  Chippewa.  Meantime,  however,  Lieutenant-General  Drum- 
mond,  mortified  at  the  repulse  of  the  British  by  an  inferior  force, 
had  hurried  up  from  York,  bringing  with  him  all  the  troops  he  could 
collect  at  that  and  other  posts  on  the  peninsula.  Assuming  command 
of  the  army  in  person,  he  advanced  boldly  against  the  Americans. 
This  was  just  at  the  period  when  they  were  falling  back  on  Chip- 
pewa. Brown,  being  advised  of  the  movement  of  Drummond, 
halted.  That  same  evening  he  received  a  communication  from  the 
American  shore,  apprizing  him  that  the  enemy  had  landed  a 


FOBT  NIAGARA. 


thousand  men  at  Lewistown,  nine  miles  below  the  Chippewa,  for 
some  object  not  understood.  Alarmed  for  the  stores  at  Schlosser, 
Brown  determined,  by  threatening  the  forts  at  the  mouth  of  the 


JACOB    BROWN.  155 

Niagara,  to  recall  the  British.  Accordingly,  he  ordered  Scott,  with 
all  the  troops  he  could  collect  on  the  moment,  to  advance.  In  twenty 
minutes,  Scott  was  in  motion.  He  carried  with  him  his  own  brigade, 
Towson's  artillery,  and  the  dragoons  and  mounted  men,  in  all  about 
thirteen  hundred  combatants. 

The  battle  that  ensued,  is  known  by  the  names  of  Queenstown, 
jLundy's  Lane,  and  Niagara,  indiscriminately.  It  was  in  fact,  two 
separate  conflicts.  In  the  first,  the  enemy  was  driven  from  his  posi- 
tion, and  then,  taking  up  a  new  one,  the  struggle  began  again,  and 
was  continued  until  midnight.  In  the  earlier  conflict,  Scott's 
brigade  fought  nearly  alone,  and  was  terribly  cut  up.  In  fact,  this 
General,  when  he  went  into  action,  supposed  that  he  was  about  to 
meet  the  same  force  he  had  already  met  at  Chippewa,  and  no  more, 
\vhereas  it  had  been  strongly  reinforced  by  Drummond.  Scott  stood 
his  ground,  however,  until  Brown  could  bring  up  the  brigade  of 
Ripley,  when  his  shattered  troops  were  drawn  off,  though,  later  in 
the  night,  they  came  again  into  action.  The  enemy  was  finally 
beaten.  Before  the  victory,  however,  was  complete,  Brown  had 
received  two  wounds,  and  was  so  reduced  by  loss  of  blood,  that  he 
had  to  be  supported  on  his  horse  from  the  field.  Scott  having  been 
also  wounded,  the  command  devolved  on  General  Ripley.  This 
General  had  been  ordered  by  Brown  to  begin  the  action  again  early 
in  the  morning,  but  failed  to  do  so,  in  consequence  of  which  the 
English  remained  masters  of  the  field,  and  a  retreat  to  Fort  Erie 
became  necessary.  It  was  his  conduct  in  this  emergency  which 
induced  Brown  to  pronounce  Ripley  an  officer,  not  wanting  indeed  in 
physical  bravery,  but  sadly  deficient  in  moral  courage,  or  the  nerve 
to  assume  responsibility  in  critical  circumstances. 

Not  possessing  confidence  in  Ripley,  one  of  the  first  acts  of  Brown 
was  to  send  for  General  Gaines,  who,  as  senior  officer,  on  his  arrival, 
would  supersede  Ripley  in  the  command  of  Fort  Erie.  Here  Gaines 
won  unfading  laurels  by  his  gallant  repulse  of  the  enemy  from  before  its 
walls.  But  having  received  a  wound  from  a  shell,  the  fort  again 
fell  in  the  charge  of  Ripley,  and  the  anxiety  of  Brown  became  so 
great,  that  early  in  September,  as  soon  as  his  wounds  were  suffi- 
ciently healed,  he  repaired  in  person  to  Fort  Erie,  and  assumed  the 
direction  of  its  defence.  He  found  the  place  in  a  critical  emergency. 
The  besieging  force  was  more  than  douMe  that  of  the  garrison,  and 
was  continually  increasing.  Although  reinforcements  had  been 
ordered  up  from  Lake  Champlain,  they  were  yet  far  distant,  and 
some  time  must  necessarily  elapse  before  they  could  appear.  Mean- 
time the  fort  might  be  stormed  successfully  by  overwhelming 


156  JACOB   BROWN. 

numbers.  In  this  perilous  condition  of  affairs,  the  bold  and  decided 
genius  of  Brown  was  the  salvation  of  the  garrison.  After  waiting 
from  the  2d  until  the  17th  of  September,  daily  suffering  more  and 
more  from  the  fire  of  the  enemy,  the  American  General,  noticing 
that  a  new  battery  was  about  to  be  erected,  resolved  on  a  sortie. 
The  works  of  the  besiegers  consisted  of  two  lines  of  investment, 
supported  by  block-houses,  in  the  front  of  which,  at  suitable  points, 
batteries  were  erected.  The  camp  of  the  enemy  was  nearly  two 
miles  in  the  rear  of  their  works.  Brown  noticed  that  a  brigade  of 
twelve  or  fifteen  hundred  men  usually  occupied  these  works,  and 
was  relieved,  in  turn,by  two  other  brigades  of  equal  strength.  Brown's 
plan  was  to  issue  forth  suddenly  with  as  powerful  a  force  as  he 
could  muster,  storm  the  batteries,  spike  the  cannon,  and,  if  possible, 
cut  to  pieces  the  brigade  on  duty,  before  assistance  could  be  sum- 
moned from  the  camp.  The  scheme  was  hazardous  perhaps,  but 
with  such  a  General  to  lead  the  troops,  at  least  promised  success. 

Accordingly,  on  the  morning  of  the  17th,  the  garrison  was  ordered 
to  parade  at  noon,  in  readiness  for  the  sortie.  The  volunteers,  led 
by  General  Porter,  the  riflemen  of  Colonel  Gibson,  and  Major 
Brooks,  with  the  first  and  twenty-third  infantry,  accompanied  by  a 
few  dragoons,  acting  as  infantry,  were  instructed  to  move  from  the 
extreme  left  on  the  right  of  the  enemy,  by  a  road  which  had  been 
secretly  opened  through  the  woods  for  the  purpose.  The  command 
of  General  Miller  was  ordered  to  station  itself  in  the  ravine  between 
the  enemy's  batteries  and  Fort  Erie,  by  passing  in  detachments 
through  the  skirts  of  the  wood.  The  twenty-first  infantry,  under 
General  Ripley,  was  directed  to  post  itself,  as  a  reserve,  between 
the  new  bastions  of  Fort  Erie.  All  these  troops,  by  these  arrangements, 
would  be  kept  under  cover,  and  out  of  view  of  the  enemy,  until  the 
moment  for  decisive  action.  Then,  all  at  once,  they  would  burst  on 
the  foe. 

When  the  signal  was  given,  the  troops  rushed  forward  from  their 
respective  stations  with  the  greatest  impetuosity.  The  left  column, 
led  by  General  Porter,  began  the  action.  These  brave  men  had 
stolen  forward  through  the  wood  on  the  enemy's  right,  until  they 
arrived,  unperceived,  close  to  his  entrenchments :  then,  at  the  word 
of  their  commander,  they  raised  a  shout,  and  advanced  at  quick 
step  upon  the  foe.  Hearing  the  report  of  the  musketry,  Brown,  who 
had  remained  in  the  ravine,  knew  that  the  action  was  begun  on  the 
left,  and  accordingly  ordered  Miller  to  advance  and  pierce  the 
enemy's  entrenchments  between  the  two  batteries  in  front.  This 
division  also  sprang  to  the  assault  with  cheers.  The  astonished 


JACOB    BROWN.  157 

enemy,  at  first,  lost  his  self-possession,  but  soon  recovering  himself, 
rallied  to  the  defence  of  his  battery.  A  deadly  fire  accordingly 
greeted  the  Americans.  But  unintimidated,  the  gallant  assailants 
rushed  forward,  cleared  the  ramparts,  drove  the  enemy  from  his 
works,  and  planted  their  flag  on  the  embrasure  of  the  captured  forti- 
fication. In  less  than  thirty  minutes  after  firing  the  first  gun,  the 
Americans  were  masters  of  the  field,  two  of  the  enemy's  batteries, 
his  line  of  entrenchments,  and  his  two  block-houses  being  in  pos- 
session of  the  storming  parties.  The  victors  then  hastened  to  spike 
the  cannon.  The  magazine  of  the  batteries  was  blown  up.  The 
enemy  still,  however,  maintained  a  desultory,  though  stubborn 
resistance,  as  he  retreated ;  and  the  reserve,  which  had  been  ordered 
up,  was  brought  into  action,  while  a  portion  of  the  remaining  troops 
proceeded  with  the  work  of  demolition.  The  object  of  the  sortie 
having  been  accomplished,  the  Americans  were  now  drawn  off,  and 
retired  to  the  fort.  The  victory  had  been  signal  and  complete.  In  a 
single  hour  the  labor  of  fifty  days  on  the  part  of  the  besiegers  had 
been  utterly  destroyed.  About  four  hundred  British  had  been  taken 
prisoners,  and  as  many  more  wounded  or  killed.  The  moral  effect 
of  the  sortie  was  even  greater.  The  enemy  recognized  in  this  bold 
and  brilliant  stroke,  the  hand  that  had  dealt  him  such  terrible  blows  at 
Chippewa  and  Lundy's  Lane,  and  from  that  hour,  abandoning  all 
hopes  of  reducing  the  place,  lent  his  thoughts  only  to  the  best 
means  of  effecting  a  safe  retreat.  A  few  days  after,  he  raised  the 
siege,  and  retired  behind  the  Chippewa. 

These  series  of  successes  on  the  part  of  Brown,  beginning  with 
Sackett's  Harbor,  and  ending  with  Fort  Erie,  surrounded  his  name 
with  an  eclat  similar  to  that  which,  about  the  same  time,  was  won 
by  Decatur  on  another  element.  Indeed,  the  career  of  this  General 
is  a  forcible  illustration  of  what  genius  alone  can  do.  During  the 
two  preceding  years  of  the  war,  our  arms  on  land  had  met  with  an 
almost  constant  succession  of  disasters,  though,  at  that  time,  they 
were  not  opposed  by  any  of  the  veteran  English  troops,  such  as  in 
1814,  appeared  in  the  field.  But  when  the  peace  in  Europe  had  disen- 
gaged the  conquerors  of  the  peninsula,  our  troops,  instead  of  being 
utterly  annihilated  before  these  renowned  soldiers,  suddenly  began  to 
achieve  victories,  and  that  too,  against  superior  numbers.  The 
nation  could  scarcely  believe  the  first  reports  of  the  victory  of  Chip- 
pewa. It  had  been  supposed  that  if  Brown  could  manage  to  engage 
a  smaller  force  than  his  own,  his  ability  and  courage  would,  perhaps, 
obtain  a  triumph;  but  this  astonishing  success  transcended  every 
hope.  The  result  was  chiefly  owing  to  the  genius  of  the  General. 

XIV 


158 


JAtOB    BROWN. 


His  sagacity  in  adapting  his  means  to  his  end,  was  well  known  to  the 
troops,  and  inspired  them  with  a  confidence  that  whatsoever  he 
undertook  he  could  carry  through;  besides,  by  a  thorough  dis- 
cipline of  his  men,  he  rendered  them  the  equals  of  Wellington's 
veterans.  With  such  soldiers,  and  such  a  leader,  victory  was 
certain. 

The  war  terminated,  at  least  in  the  north,  with  the  campaign  of 
1814.  After  the  peace,  Brown  was  continued  in  the  army,  and 
assigned  the  command  of  the  northern  military  division.  His  life,  how- 
ever, was  paid  a  forfeit  to  his  services,  for  he  had  contracted  a  disease  at 
Fort  Erie,  which  was  an  almost  constant  source  of  suffering  to  him, 
and  which,  in  the  end,  produced  his  death.  But  he  lived  first  to 
reach  the  elevated  post  of  senior  Major-General,  and  Commander- 
in-chief  of  the  army  of  the  United  States.  This  happened  in  1821. 
On  the  24th  of  February,  1828,  he  died  in  Washington  City,  where  he 
had  resided  since  he  rose  to  the  chief  command. 


ELEAZER    W.    RIPLEY. 


HE  real  hero  of  Lundy's  Lane  was 
General  Winfield  Scott.  But  that 
officer  having  been  wounded,  was 
forced  to  retire  from  the  field,  and 
General  Brown,  the  Commander-in- 
chief,  being  also  disabled,  the  direc- 
tion of  affairs  devolved  upon  General 
Ripley.  This  gentleman  was  a  leader 
of  spirit  and  discipline,  but  not  equal 
in  ability  to  either  of  his  superiors. 
He  wanted  their  resolution,  though 
not  their  courage,  and,  perhaps, 
shrank  from  assuming  responsibility 
in  critical  and  uncommon  emergen- 
cies. Among  the  earlier  Generals  of  the  Avar,  he  would  have  shone 

159 


160  ELEAZER    W.    RIPLET. 

superior.     But  it  required  pre-eminent  qualifications  to  win  distinc 
tion  by  the  side  of  Brown  and  Scott. 

Eleazer  Wheelock  Ripley,  was  born  in  Hanover,  New  Hampshire, 
in  the  year  1782.  On  his  maternal  side,  he  was  descended  from  the 
celebrated  Captain  Miles  Standish,  the  hero  of  the  early  Plymouth 
settlers.  Young  Ripley  received  an  excellent  education,  graduating 
at  Dartmouth  College,  in  his  eighteenth  year,  with  the  highest 
honors.  He  subsequently  studied  law,,  and  settled  at  Winslow, 
in  Massachusetts.  In  1807,  we  find  him  a  member  of  the  legisla 
ture  of  Massachusetts.  He  was  already  prominent  as  a  man  of 
influence,  and  gave  his  voice,  as  early  as  1808,  in  favor  of  a  war 
with  both  England  and  France,  provided  those  two  powers  did  not 
cease  their  aggressions  on  this  country.  In  1811,  he  was  elected 
to  succeed  the  late  Hon.  Joseph  Story,  as  speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  Massachusetts.  In  1812,  he  came  out  boldly  for 
a  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  this  too,  in  opposition  to  the  general 
sentiment  in  his  adopted  state.  His  patriotism  was  rewarded  by 
the  commission  of  a  Lieutenant-Colonel  in  the  army  of  the  United 
States.  He  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  sub-district,  extend- 
ing from  Saco  to  the  eastern  frontier,  and  to  his  other  duties  was 
soon  added  the  superintendence  of  the  recruiting  service.  In  a  short 
time  he  had  obtained  sufficient  recruits  to  form  a  regiment,  which 
was  called  the  twenty-first,  and  placed  under  his  command. 

Ripley  was  one  of  the  first  officers  to  introduce  that  exact  and 
rigid  discipline  into  our  armies,  which  subsequently  rendered  the 
American  soldiers  a  match  for  the  veterans  of  Wellington.  The 
winter  of  1812,  Ripley  spent  at  Burlington,  Vermont,  engaged  in 
perfecting  his  regiment,  which  now  became  a  model  for  all  others. 
In  March,  1813,  he  repaired  to  Sackett's  Harbor,  where  the  army 
was  collecting  for  the  attack  on  York.  Ripley  shared  in  that  enter- 
prise, and  received  a  wound  from  the  explosion.  He  was  present 
also  at  the  capture  of  Fort  George.  In  July,  he  returned  to  Sackett's 
Harbor,  where  he  was  occupied  until  October,  in  perfecting  the  dis- 
cipline of  the  large  body  of  recruits  collecting  at  that  depot.  He  took 
part  in  the  descent  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  in  .[November  of  that  year, 
and  afterwards,  retiring  to  Sackett's  Harbor,  remained  in  winter 
quarters  there  until  the  spring  of  1814.  On  the  15th  of  April  of  that 
year,  Colonel  Ripley  was  created  a  Brigadier-General,  and  joined 
the  army  of  Brown,  about  to  begin  the  glorious  campaign  of  that 
season,  on  the  Niagara.  He  was  present  with  his  command,  at  the 
battle  of  Chippewa,  on  the  5th  of  July.  Subsequently,  on  the  24tb 
of  the  same  month,  he  played  a  prominent  part  in  the  battle  ot 


ELEAZER    W.    RIPLET.  161 

Lundy's  Lane,  certainly  the  most  hotly  contested,  if  not  the  most 
splendid  action  of  the  war. 

On  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  Brown  received  a  note  from  a  trust- 
worthy source,  informing  him  that  the  British  had  thrown  a  thou- 
sand men  across  from  Queenstown  to  Lewistown,  nine  miles  below 
Chippewa.  The  American  General,  conjecturing  that  the  enemy's 
object  was  to  capture  our  stores  at  Schlosser,  and  intercept  supplies 
coming  down  from  Buffalo,  immediately  determined  to  recall  him 
from  this  design,  by  threatening  his  forts  at  the  mouth  of  the  Niagara. 
Accordingly,  Scott's  brigade  was  detached  with  this  purpose.  Scott  had 
proceeded  about  two  miles  in  the  direction  of  the  forts,  when, 
from  a  hill,  he  discerned  some  British  officers  near  a  mansion  about  a 
mile  distant.  Advancing,' he  learned  that  the  enemy  was  in  some 
force  on  the  other  side  of  a  wood  ahead.  The  command  of  this 
spirited  young  officer  consisted  of  thirteen  hundred  men ;  but,  as  he 
believed  that  half  of  Riall's  brigade  had  been  thrown  across  the 
Niagara,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  push  on.  "  We  whipped  them  at 
Chippewa,"  he  said  to  his  soldiers,  "  and  we  can  do  it  again,  my 
lads  !"  Having  hurried  off  a  messenger  to  Brown,  announcing  the 
vicinity  of  the  foe,  he  prepared  to  pass  the  woods,  in  front  of 
Forsyth's  house,  the  mansion  where  the  officers  had  been  seen  just 
before.  What  was  his  astonishment,  however,  to  perceive  directly 
in  his  front,  drawn  up  in  Lundy's  Lane,  a  force,  which  his  practised 
eye  knew  to  be  superior  to  that  he  had  encountered  at  Chippewa. 
As  he  wheeled  in  their  front,  the  clatter  of  musketry,  and  the  roar 
of  artillery,  simultaneously  crashed  upon  his  ears,  and,  for  a  moment, 
his  men  recoiled  before  the  fire  with  which  they  were  thus  unexpec- 
tedly greeted. 

The  crisis  was  one  to  try  the  courage  of  the  boldest.  The  enemy 
were  evidently  in  very  strong  force,  and  admirably  posted.  Scott, 
in  reality,  was  in  a  trap.  To  have  retreated,  under  the  circum- 
stances, would  have  been  the  course  of  an  ordinary  leader;  but  this 
gallant  young  commander  was  too  spirited  for  this,  and  besides,  he 
knew  that  to  fall  back,  would  create  a  panic  in  the  reserve,  then 
coming  up,  and  which  had  never  yet  flushed  itself  in  battle.  His 
determination  was  instantaneous  and  heroic.  "We  will  all  die  here," 
he  said,  "  but  never  yield  an  inch."  And,  ordering  the  troops  to 
deploy  into  line,  at  a  distance  of  but  one  hundred  and  fifty  paces 
from  the  foe,  the  sanguinary  struggle  began.  The  sun  was  only 
half  an  hour  high,  and  already  the  western  sky  was  tipped  with  purple 
tints.  Soon  the  thick  smoke  that  rolled  upwards  from  the  field, 
darkened  the  prospect.  Near  by  was  that  eternal  cataract,  which, 
xiv*  21 


162  ELEAZER    W.    RIPLET. 

pouring  the  waters  of  four  lakes  down  its  gigantic  abyss,  keeps  up, 
night  and  day,  the  same  unceasing  roar  :  and  continually,  between 
the  sharp  explosions  of  the  platoon  firing,  that  deep  bass  rose  like  a 
grand  symphony. 

Lundy's  Lane  is  a  ridge,  nearly  at  right  angles  with  the  Niagara 
river.  Here,  the  enemy  was  posted,  his  left  being  in  a  road  parallel 
to  the  stream,  and  hence  at  right  angles  to  the  lane.  A  space  of  two 
hundred  yards  covered  with  brushwood,  extended  between  the  two 
positions  of  the  British  army.  Scott,  with  prompt  genius,  availing 
himself  of  this  separation,  ordered  Major  Jessup,  under  cover  of  the 
approaching  twilight,  to  steal  along  these  bushes,  and  turn  the 
enemy's  left.  The  order  was  quickly  executed.  So  unexpectedly 
did  Jessup  burst  on  that  portion  of  the  British  line,  that  it  gave  way 
on  the  instant  before  him,  and  General  Riall,  with  other  officers, 
was  taken  prisoner.  To  have  kept  the  position,  however,  would 
have  been  impossible.  Hence,  with  loud  cheers,  Jessup's  command 
charged  back,  cutting  off  a  portion  of  the  enemy's  left  wing,  and 
renewed  its  position  in  the  line  under  Scott's  immediate  command. 

The  British  now  made  an  attempt  to  turn  our  right,  but  this  was 
promptly  met  by  Scott,  who  detached  Major  M'Neill,  with  his 
battalion,  to  drive  back  the  enemy.  A  furious  conflict  ensued.  The 
shame  of  being  baffled  by  an  inferior  force,  seemed  to  transport  the 
British  to  madness,  and  they  fought,  at  this  point,  with  even  more 
than  the  desperate  valor  they  had  shown  at  Badajoz,  Ciudad  Rode- 
rigo,  and  San  Sebastian.  But  the  Americans,  stimulated  by  the  glory  of 
repulsing  such  veterans,  met  them  with  a  blaze  of  musketry  that 
almost  blinded  the  sight.  Then  was  seen  what  men  will  do  and 
suffer  when  inflamed  by  the  rage  of  battle.  The  soldiers,  on  either 
side,  appeared  to  think  no  more  of  the  deadly  balls  flying  about  than 
Italians  do  of  the  missiles  at  a  carnival.  The  soldier  fell  in  his 
ranks ;  the  officer  died  at  his  post.  The  detachments  were  reduced 
fearfully  in  numbers,  yet  still  each  line  was  alternately  a  blaze  of 
fire,  and  both  seemed  resolved  not  to  give  way.  Finally,  tne  British, 
completely  exhausted,  fell  back.  Our  flanks  were  safe. 

The  strife  had  raged  for  two  hours.  The  sun  had  long  since  set ; 
even  the  twilight  had  departed;  and  the  moon,  at  first  shining 
calmly  over  the  scene,  was  now  obscured  by  smoke.  The  struggle 
was  continued  solely  by  the  flashes  of  the  guns.  The  left  of  the 
enemy  had  been  turned  and  cut  off;  his  right  had  been  hurled  back 
from  its  assault  on  our  flank.  But  his  centre  still  stood  firm.  It  was 
securely  posted  on  the  right,  at  the  head  of  Lundy's  Lane,  and  was 
supported  by  nine  pieces  of  artillery,  admirably  secured.  Between 


ELEAZER    W.    RIPLEY.  163 

this  portion  of  the  enemy's  army,  and  the  front  of  our  own,  the  con- 
test waxed  more  desperate  at  every  moment.  It  was  at  this  point 
of  the  battle,  when  the  darkness  completely  hid  the  enemy  from 
sight,  that  Captain  Brooke,  taking  a  lantern  wrapped  in  cloth,  stole 
onward  until  he  had  discovered  the  exact  ground  occupied  by  the 
foe,  and  then,  climbing  a  gnarled  tree,  deliberately  fastened  the  light 
in  the  line  of  fire.  After  this  deed  of  chivalric  courage,  he  returned 
safely  to  his  company.  The  struggle  now  grew  more  deadly.  It 
was  supported,  on  our  side,  by  the  battalions  of  Brady  and  Leaven- 
worth,  sustained  by  Towson's  artillery.  The  enemy  replied  with 
equal  obstinacy,  long  sheets  of  flame  running  across  the  height,  like 
lightning  shooting  in  the  edges  of  a  cloud.  Yet  the  Americans  were 
not  to  be  driven  from  their  position.  Wide  gaps  were  discerned  in 
their  line,  but  not  a  man  of  that  heroic  biigade  flinched.  All  through 
that  terrible  night,  for  the  battle  raged  until  twelve  o'clock,  the  men 
stood  to  their  posts,  determined  to  die  there  if  necessary,  but  never 
to  fly.  Messenger  after  messenger  had  been  sent  off  by  Scott,  to 
hasten  the  approach  of  Brown;  and,  at  last,  the  ammunition  began 
to  give  out.  Then  it  was  that  an  incident  occurred  so  characteristic  of  the 
indomitable  spirit  of  the  American  soldier,  that  it  alone  throws  more 
light  on  the  victory  that  followed,  than  would  pages  of  scientific 
description.  As  the  cry  for  ammunition  passed  along  the  line,  a 
soldier  fell  shot  through  the  heart.  Clapping  his  hand  to  his  side, 
he  cried,  "  cartridges  in  my  box  !"  Scott,  who  was  but  a  few  paces 
distant,  ran  to  the  man,  but  he  was  already  dead.  His  last  breath 
had  been  exhausted  in  telling  his  fellow  soldiers  that  they  would 
nnd  cartridges  on  his  corpse. 

When  Brown  finally  reached  the  scene  of^  combat,  to  which  he 
had  hurried  as  soon  as  he  could  concentrate  his  forces,  he  found  the 
brigade  of  Scott  nearly  cut  to  pieces.  He  resolved  instantly  to  with- 
draw it  to  the  rear,  where  it  might  recruit  its  exhausted  ranks,  while 
he  brought  up  Ripley's  fresh  troops  to  maintain  the  contest.  Being 
now  in  force  to  make  a  serious  attempt  on  the  foe,  Brown  determined 
to  carry  the  battery  at  the  head  of  the  lane,  that  being  the  key  of 
the  British  position.  Accordingly,  Colonel  Miller  was  directed  to 
storm  this  height  in  front ;  while  to  Ripley  was  entrusted  the  task 
of  driving  the  infantry  that  supported  it.  When  the  American 
commander,  riding  up  to  Miller,  asked  him  if  he  could  take  the 
battery,  the  heroic  answer  was,  "  I  will  try !"  Piloted  by  Scott 
through  the  darkness  to  the  foot  of  the  ascent,  Miller  rushed  up  me 
height,  and  seized  the  guns  almost  instantaneously.  As  Scott  re- 
turned from  performing  his  duty  as  guide,  he  saw  that  Ripley  and 


164  ELEAZER    W.  RIPLET. 

the  British  infantry  had  come  into  action,  at  only  twenty  paces 
distant ;  and,  for  a  moment,  he  paused  to  witness  the  terrible  strife. 
The  enemy's  line  far  outflanked  the  Americans,  but  nevertheless, 
the  latter  stood  stubbornly  to  their  ground.  Ripley  never  fired  until 
just  after  his  adversary,  choosing  to  wait  for  the  flash  of  the  British 
muskets  in  order  to  take  aim:  thus,  the  vollies  from  either  side 
followed,  like  alternate  claps  of  thunder.  The  night  was  intensely 
dark.  The  blue  smoke  lay  thickly  packed  between  the  hostile  lines, 
and,  at  every  discharge,  was  lit  up  by  a  sulphurous  glare,  like  the 
ghastly  flame  burned  by  magicians  at  their  incantations. 

The  enemy,  having  been  reinforced  in  the  meantime,  now  made 
a  desperate  attempt  to  regain  the  height.  But,  after  a  fierce  struggle 
he  was  repulsed.  Again  he  returned  to  the  charge,  and  again  was 
driven  back.  Scott's  brigade,  which  had  now  been  re-formed,  par- 
ticipated in  this  rebuff.  A  third  trial  was  made,  but  with  like  ill 
success.  The  American  army,  prior  to  these  struggles,  had  taken 
up  a  new  position,  being  drawn  up  with  its  back  to  the  river,  and 
at  right  angles  to  the  lane.  During  the  successive  combats  that  took 
place  for  the  possession  of  this  ground,  Scott  had  twice  formed 
portions  of  his  brigade  into  column,  advanced,  charged  the  enemy's 
line  also  advancing,  penetrated  it,  and  driven  it  in  disorder  back. 
Wherever  he  called  on  his  men  to  go,  they  followed,  inspired  by  his 
heroism.  Twice  he  had  horses  shot  under  him.  He  was  wounded 
in  the  side ;  but  still  kept  the  field.  At  last  a  musket  ball  disabled 
his  left  shoulder,  and  he  sunk  fainting  to  the  ground. 

It  was  eleven  o'clock  when  Scott  was  carried  off  the  field,  and 
shortly  after,  Brown  being  also  severely  wounded  and  compelled  to 
retire,  the  chief  command  devolved  on  Ripley.  But  the  action  was 
nearly  over.  Once  more  the  British  attempted  to  drive  the  Ameri- 
cans from  their  position,  but  were  gallantly  repulsed ;  and  then,  with 
the  approach  of  midnight,  the  struggle  ceased.  Rarely  had  a  battle 
been  so  fiercely  contested.  The  Americans  lost  eight  hundred 
and  sixty ;  the  British  rather  more :  each  side  about  a  third  of  its 
numerical  force.  Finding  that  the  enemy  no  longer  molested  him, 
Ripley  determined  to  return  to  camp  in  order  to  recruit  his  men : 
accordingly  he  fell  back  towards  Chippewa,  but  without  bringing 
off  the  captured  artillery,  in  consequence  of  its  being  dismantled. 
When  he  reached  head-quarters,  Brown  sent  for  him,  and  ordered 
that  the  troops  should  be  put  into  the  best  possible  condition;  that 
adequate  refreshment  should  be  supplied  them ;  that  the  pickets  and 
camp-guards  should  be  called  in  to  increase  the  force  as  much  as 


ELEAZER    W.    RIPLET.  165 

possible  ;  and  that,  with  the  dawn,  Ripley,  returning  to  the  battle- 
field, should  meet  and  beat  the  enemy,  if  he  again  appeared. 

Ripley,  in  consequence,  advanced  to  Lundy's  Lane  in  the  morning, 
out  finding  the  enemy  had  been  reinforced  in  the  night,  deemed  it 
most  prudent  to  retreat.  Brown  was,  at  first,  indignant  at  this  con- 
duct, asserting  that  his  orders  to  Ripley  left  no  discretion  in  that 
officer.  The  latter,  however,  alleged  that  the  instructions  of  the 
General  were  "to  be  governed  entirely  by  circumstances."  It  is 
hardly  probable,  from  the  dogged  resolution  of  Brown,  that  the 
Commander-in-chief,  if  well,  would  have  made  a  retrograde  move- 
ment ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  it  is  nearly  certain  that  he  would  have 
joined  battle,  and  fought  until  he  conquered,  or  was  cut  to  pieces. 
In  Brown's  composition  there  was  something  of  the  iron  will  of 
Luther,  who  said  that  he  would  go  to  Worms,  if  every  tile  on  the 
house-tops  was  a  devil.  Ripley  had  less  stubborn  tenacity.  He 
belonged  to  the  prudential  school  of  Harrison,  not  to  the  fiery  one 
of  Scott  arid  Brown.  He  was  a  second-rate  General  on  such  a  field 
as  Lundy's  Lane ;  but,  in  retarding  an  enemy  during  a  retreat,  had 
no  superior:  as  the  army  discovered,  subsequently,  when  compelled 
to  fall  back  on  Fort  Erie. 

This  retreat  began  on  the  26th  of  July.  Breaking  down  the 
bridges  as  he  retired,  and  throwing  other  impediments  in  the  British 
advance,  Ripley  conducted  the  .troops  to  Fort  Erie,  which  he  began 
immediately  to  strengthen.  The  retrograde  movement  had,  mean- 
time, received  Brown's  sanction,  though  he  still  preferred  that  to 
another  officer  than  Ripley  should  be  confided  the  defence  of  the 
army,  and  accordingly  sent  for  General  Gaines,  who  arriving  at  the 
Fort  on  the  4th  of  August,  superseded  Ripley.  The  latter,  however, 
had  skilfully  employed  the  interval.  Never  did  soldiers  work  more 
assiduously  than  the  Americans  on  their  entrenchments.  The  six 
days  that  elapsed  between  the  arrival  of  our  army  and  the  appear- 
ance of  the  enemy  sufficed  to  render  the  place  impervious  to  assault: 
and  to  the  energy  of  Ripley  the  salvation  of  this  remnant  of  Brown's 
heroic  division  is  altogether  to  be  attributed.  The  enemy,  finding 
that  he  could  not  carry  the  fort  by  storm,  began  a  regular  invest- 
ment, which  continued  until  the  latter  end  of  September.  During 
this  period  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  assault  the  place  took  place, 
on  the  morning  of  the  15th  of  August.  A  triumphant  sortie,  made 
by  Brown,  who  had  recovered  sufficiently  to  assume  command, 
virtually  closed  the  siege  on  the  17th  of  September. 

In  the  sortie  under  Brown,  Ripley  led  one  of  the  detachments,  and 
received  a  severe  wound,  from  which  his  life  was  despaired  of  for 


ELEAZER    W.    RIPLEY. 

nearly  three  months.  A  year  elapsed  before  he  was  fit  for  military 
service,  and  by  that  time  peace  prevented  his  return  to  the  field.  He 
was,  however,  rewarded  with  the  brevet  of  a  Major-General.  Nor 
was  this  all,  for  by  a  vote  of  Congress,  on  the  3d  of  November,  1814, 
he  was  presented  with  a  gold  medal  for  his  gallantry  at  Chippewa, 
Lundy's  Lane,  and  Fort  Erie. 

Ripley,  in  1815,  removed  to  Baton  Rouge,  near  New  Orleans, 
where  he  had  an  estate.  He  was  subsequently  elected  to  Congress. 
He  died  in  1834. 


JAMES   MILLER. 


AMES  MILLER,  a  Brigadier-Gene- 
ral in  the  army  of  the  United  States,  was  one 
of  the  most  spirited,  daring,  and  competent 
: officers  in  the  war  of  1812.     He  is  particular- 
ly celebrated  for  his  conduct  in  the  battle  of 
Lundy's  Lane,  where,  at  the  head  of  his  vete- 
ran regiment,  he   stormed   and  carried  the 
"  height  occupied  by  the  enemy's  artillery. 

Miller  was  born  at  Petersburg,  in  the  county  of  Hillsborough, 
New  Hampshire,  on  the  25th  of  April,  1776.     As  a  lad,  he  was 
rjrmcipallv  celebrated  for  his  love  of  idleness.     One  of  his  first  teach- 
r  167 


168  JAMES    MILLER. 

ers  had  been  a  sergeant  in  the  War  of  Independence,  and  took 
pleasure  in  drilling  the  boys  during  the  interval  of  their  studies.  It  is 
probable  that  the  taste  of  Miller  for  military  affairs  was  fostered  by 
this  process.  In  character,  he  was  bold,  self-willed,  and  at  one 
period  triumphantly  headed  what  is  called  a  "barring  out,"  among 
the  boys,  compelling  the  teacher  to  grant  the  required  holiday, 
together  with  an  immunity  to  the  young  rebels.  As  he  grew  older, 
however,  a  nobler  ambition  began  to  actuate  him.  At  the  age  of 
eighteen,  stimulated  by  a  desire  to  prosecute  his  education,  he  left 
his  paternal  home  to  attend  the  Academy  at  Amherst,  with  the 
slender  outfit  of  a  bundle  of  clothes,  and  the  sum  of  one  dollar  and 
twenty-five  cents  in  his  pocket.  He  remained  at  the  Academy 
until  his  credit,  as  well  as  funds,  were  exhausted,  when  he  resorted 
to  teaching  ;  and  thus  alternating  between  pupil  and  instructor,  he 
finally  completed  his  education.  In  this  conduct,  we  recognize  the 
same  energy,  self-reliance,  and  perseverance  which  afterwards  ren- 
dered him  distinguished  as  a  military  leader. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-seven,  after  nine  years  thus  spent,  he  was 
admitted  to  practice  law,  and  settled  at  Greenfield,  in  his  native  state. 
When,  however,  in  1809,  Congress  resolved  to  increase  the  army, 
Miller  received  the  commission  of  a  Major,  having  first  held  the 
post  of  Captain  of  Artillery  in  the  New  Hampshire  militia.  He  im- 
mediately joined  his  regiment  at  Boston,  and  continued  employed  in 
garrison  duty  until  1811,  when  he  was  elevated  to  the  rank  of 
Lieutenant-Colonel,  and  ordered  to  march  to  Pittsburgh.  From  this 
place  he  was  detached  to  join  General  Harrison.  In  descending  the 
river  with  his  troops,  he  exposed  his  person  to  such  a  degree,  that  he 
caught  a  violent  fever,  which  brought  him  to  the  brink  of  the  grave. 
The  want  of  proper  attention  prolonged  his  illness.  From  the  4th 
of  May  to  the  18th  of  November,  he  slept  but  two  nights  under  a 
roof.  In  consequence,  he  was  not  present  at  the  battle  of  Tippe- 
canoe.  The  ensuing  winter  he  spent  at  Vincennes,  in  the  family 
of  Harrison,  employed  in  recruiting  his  health. 

In  May,  1812,  he  received  orders  to  join  General  Hull.  He  over- 
took that  officer  at  Urbana,  and  accompanied  him  to  Detroit.  The 
supplies  from  Ohio  having  been  cut  off  by  the  British  and  savages, 
Miller  was  detached,  with  six  hundred  regular  troops,  to  open  the 
communication.  He  started  on  this  expedition  on  the  evening  of 
the  8th  of  August,  1812,  and  on  the  following  day  came  up  with 
the  enemy,  at  Brownstown.  The  force  of  the  latter  consisted  of  three 
hundred  British,  and  four  hundred  and  fifty  Indians,  who  were 
posted  on  strong  ground,  defended  by  artificial  means.  Miller  prompt- 


I 


JACOB    MILLER. 


169 


jy  assailted  the  works,  and,  after  a  short  conflict,  defeated  the  enemy. 
Tecumfeh,and  a  few  other  savages,  who  had  leaped  over  the  breast- 
work, confident  of  victory,  were  gallantly  repulsed  at  the  point  of 
the  bayoVet.  The  fugitives  were  pursued  to  their  boats,  about  half 
a  mile  diaant.  The  next  day,  Miller  returned  to  Detroit.  Had  all 
the  operaions  of  the  campaign  been  prosecuted  with  the  same  spirit, 
how  different  would  have  been  the  result ! 

In  compVny  with  Colonel  Cass,  Miller  was  the  first  American 
officer  to  ca\ry  our  flag  into  Canada.  In  the  affair  of  Canard,  he 
fought  with  Wrepidity,  but  being  unsupported  by  the  General,  lost 
the  fruits  of  tte  victory.  But  it  was  in  the  succeeding  year,  on  tho 
Niagara  frontW,  that  he  covered  himself  with  laurels.  He  was  at 
Chippewa,  Lundy's  Lane,  and  Fort  Erie,  on  all  which  occasions  he 
displayed  the  Vtmost  gallantry.  At  the  battle  of  Lundy's  Lane, 
when  it  becam^  necessary  to  carry  a  height  which  commanded  the 


field,  and  on  which  the  British  artilV^r^  was  posted,  General  Brown 
rode  up  to  Colonel  Miller,  and  said  \  "  Sir,  can  you  take  that  bat- 
tery ?"  "  I  will  try  !"  was  the  laconicVeply.  The  night  was  so  dark 
that  Siott,  who  was  familiarly  acquainted  with  the  ground,  had  to 
xv  22 


\ 


170 


JACOB    MILLER. 


pilot  the  regiment  to  the  required  position.  In  a  few  ininu:es?  Mil- 
ler reached  the  foot  of  the  ascent  With  a  wild  huzza,  the  troops 
rushed  up  the  hill,  charging  to  the  cannon's  mouth.  Th3  battery 
was  carried  in  an  instant.  The  victory  was  won. 

Miller  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  a  Brigadier-General  for  his 
conduct  at  Chippewa.  In  the  sortie  at  Fort  Erie,  he  commanded 
one  of  the  detachments,  and  carried,  in  thirty  minutes,  the  two  prin- 
cipal batteries  of  the  British.  For  his  brilliant  conduit  on  these 
occasions,  he  was  presented,  by  a  vote  of  Congress,  with  a  gold 
medal,  the  motto  being  the  two  memorable  words  he  used  at  Lun- 
dv's  Lane.  When  the  war  ceased,  he  left  the  aray,  and  retired 
to  his  estate  at  Peterborough,  in  his  native  state,  where  he  continued 
to  reside  for  several  years.  Here  he  devoted  his  time  to  social  in- 
tercourse, and  to  the  pursuit  of  agriculture.  In  the  domestic  circle 
his  cheeifalness  and  kindness  were  pre-eminent  and  the  more 
striking,  though  not  the  more  singular,  in  consequence  of  his  im- 
petuosity in  the  field.  It  is  said  few  persons  cculd  be  long  in  his 
society  without  being  both  happier  and  wiser. 

General  Miller  was  subsequently  made  Collector  of  the  Port  of  Salem, 
Massachusetts,  where  he  has  since  continued  to  reside.  An  attack 
of  paralysis  has  deprived  him  nearly  altogether  of  the  power  of 
speech,  but  his  other  faculties  continue  unimpaired. 


NATHAN    TOWSON. 


T 


HIS  distinguished  officer,  now  Pay- 
master-General of  the  army  with  the 
rank  of  Brigadier,  was  considered,  in 
the  war  of  1812,  the  ablest  artillery 
officer  in  the  country.  It  is  doubtful 
indeed,  whether  he  had  his  superior  in 
the  world.  He  distinguished  himself 
on  various  occasions,  the  three  most 
prominent  of  which  were  Black  Rock, 
Chippewa,  and  Lundy's  Lane. 

Towson  was  born  at  a  small  vil- 
lage called  Towsonton,  about  seven 
miles  from  Baltimore,  on  the  22d  of 
January,  1784.     He  received  the  rudiments  of  his  education  at  a 

171 


172  NATHAN    TOWSON. 

country  school,  and  is  said  to  have  shown  considerable  fondness  for 
learning.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he  left  the  paternal  mansion,  and 
removed  to  Kentucky,  for  the  purpose  of  cultivating  a  farm  there 
belonging  to  his  father ;  but  finding  the  property  in  dispute,  he  soon 
left  that  state  and  removed  to  Natches,  in  the  then  Mississippi  terri- 
tory, where  he  resided  for  three  years.  During  the  time  he  dwelt 
at  this  place,  Louisiana  was  purchased  by  the  United  States.  Sus- 
picions of  some  difficulty  in  annexing  it  being  entertained,  Governor 
Clairborne,  of  Mississippi,  raised  a  band  of  volunteers  and  marched 
to  New  Orleans.  Of  this  force  Towson  was  one,  making  his  first 
essay  in  arms. 

In  1805  Towson  returned  to  Maryland,  and  from  this  period  until 
the  war  of  1812,  was  chiefly  occupied  in  agricultural  pursuits.  He 
retained,  however,  a  fondness  for  military  ajFairs,  and  served  as 
Adjutant  in  the  seventh  Maryland  militia.  A  portion  of  his  leisure 
hours  he  devoted  to  the  cultivation  of  poetry.  From  these  com- 
paratively quiet  pursuits  he  was  called  away  on  the  15th  of  March, 
1812,  and  received  the  appointment  of  Captain  of  artillery  in  the 
army  of  the  United  States,  a  post  which  his  reputation  for  military 
talents,  rather  than  any  predominating  influence,  had  obtained  for 
him.  He  soon  recruited  his  company,  and,  in  August,  joined  his 
superior  officer,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Scott,  at  Philadelphia.  Imme- 
diately after,  Scott  was  ordered  to  General  Dearborn's  head-quarters, 
on  the  northern  frontier,  whither  he  repaired  with  Towson's  and 
Barker's  companies. 

Towson  now  signalized  himself  by  performing  his  first  exploit. 
Being  at  Black  Rock,  protecting  the  fitting  out  of  the  vessels  for  the  lake 
service,  Lieutenant  Elliott  projected  the  capture  of  two  of  the  enemy's 
ships  lying  under  the  guns  of  Fort  Erie,  and  the  lot  fell  on  Towson 
to  command  one  of  the  two  boats  destined  for  the  expedition.  He 
accordingly  boarded  and  carried  the  Caledonia  in  the  most  gallant 
manner.  Indeed  the  whole  brunt  of  the  fight  fell  on  him,  for  having 
been  the  first  to  attack,  the  approach  of  Elliott  was  unperceived,  and 
the  latter  took  his  vessel  almost  by  surprise.  The  Caledonia  sub- 
sequently grounded,  but  was  saved  by  the  intrepidity  of  Towson,  and 
afterwards  became  one  of  Perry's  immortal  fleet.  For  his  conduct 
on  this  occasion  he  received  the  brevet  of  Major. 

At  the  battle  of  Queenstown,  Towson  remained  with  his  artillery 
on  the  American  shore ;  for  there  were  no  boats  in  which  he  could 
cross.  He  kept  up,  however,  a  spirited  cannonade  on  the  enemy's 
position.  In  the  spring  of  1813,  he  was  attached  to  General  Winder's 
brigade,  and  participated  with  it  in  the  attack  on  Fort  George.  At 


NATHAN   TOWSON.  173 

the  encounter  at  Stoney  Creek  he  was  the  senior  officer  of  artillery. 
Here  he  lost  his  guns,  and  was  himself  made  prisoner ;  but  he  suc- 
ceeded in  effecting  his  escape,  and  even  regained  two  of  his  pieces. 
While  the  army  subsequently  lay  at  Fort  George,  there  were  almost 
daily  skirmishes  between  the  Americans  and  British;  and  in  one 
of  these  affairs  Towson  received  a  wound  in  his  hand.  He  was  left 
at  Fort  George,  when  Boyd  moved  down  the  St.  Lawrence.  After- 
wards his  company  was  marched  to  Sackett's  Harbor,  where  it 
continued  until  April,  1814. 

In  the  battle  of  Chippewa  Towson  played  a  distinguished  part : 
indeed,  after  Brown  and  Scott,  he  was  the  hero  of  the  day.  His 
company  was  the  only  artillery  one  on  our  side,  engaged  in  the 
action.  The  enemy  had  an  equal  number  of  guns,  but  while  Towson's 
were  only  six  pounders,  those  of  the  British  were  twenty-four  poun- 
ders. At  the  beginning  of  the  action  the  pieces  of  the  foe  were  well 
served,  and  their  fire  was  very  destructive ;  but  so  close  and  well 
aimed  were  the  discharges  of  Towson,  that,  before  the  battle  was 
half  over,  the  British  guns  were  silent,  their  ammunition  wagon 
blown  up,  and  most  of  the  artillery  horses  killed.  It  was  with  great 
difficulty  that  the  guns  were  saved  in  the  retreat,  and  then  only  by 
the  interposition  of  the  dragoons,  who  harnessed  their  animals  to  the 
pieces  and  galloped  off  with  them  at  the  last  extremity.  Towson, 
during  this  battle,  was  laboring  under  an  inflammation  of  the  eyes, 
and,  for  a  time,  could  not  distinguish  the  exact  position  of  the  enemy 
through  the  smoke.  When  Scott  was  about  to  make  the  brilliant 
movement,  by  which  he  crushed  the  enemy's  battalions  between  his 
own,  he  perceived  that  Towson  was  firing  in  the  wrong  direction, 
and  hastening  to  his  side,  he  reined  in  his  steed  and  pointed  out 
where  the  British  were.  Towson  instantly  changed  the  direction  of 
his  pieces,  and,  loading  with  cannister,  opened  an  oblique  fire,  which 
enfiladed  the  enemy  from  right  to  left.  The  effect  was  murderous. 
The  masses  of  the  foe  were  prostrated,  as  when  a  hail-storm  beats 
down  the  corn.  This  fearful  fire,  seconded,  as  it  was,  by  Scott's 
movement,  won  the  day.  The  British  fell  back,  and  victory  was 
ours.  For  his  conduct  on  this  glorious  field,  Towson  received  the 
brevet  of  a  Lieutenant-Colonel. 

At  Lundy's  Lane,  Towson  again  earned  laurels.  The  charge  of 
Miller,  which  carried  the  key  to  the  enemy's  position,  was  made  at 
the  suggestion  of  Towson.  During  the  battle,  his  immediate  com 
mand  suffered  severely.  Both  his  Lieutenants  were  wounded,  and 
of  thirty-six  men  who  served  at  his  guns,  twenty-seven  were  killed 
or  injured.  At  last,  on  the  arrival  of  the  reinforcements,  he  was 
xv* 


174  NATHAN    TOWSON. 

partially  relieved  from  his  perilous  position.  But  the  victory  was 
owing  to  the  invincible  courage  with  which  Towson,  Jessup,  and 
others  of  that  stamp,  disputed  the  ground  for  the  first  two  hours. 
The  official  report  of  this  battle  says:  "Towson's  company  attached 
to  the  first  brigade,  was  the  first  and  last  engaged ;  and,  during  the 
whole  conflict,  maintained  that  high  character  which  they  had  pre- 
viously shown,  by  their  skill  and  valor." 

Towson  was  at  Fort  Erie  on  the  night  of  the  memorable  assault, 
August  the  15th,  1814.  He  commanded  at  the  left  flank,  which 
proved  to  be  the  post  of  danger  and  honor.  The  night  had  been 
rainy,  and  was  still  pitch  dark,  but  the  sentinels  kept  good  watch, 
and  detecting  the  steps  of  the  approaching  column,  gave  notice  to 
Towson,  who  at  once  opened  a  rolling  fire  on  the  assailants.  For 
some  minutes,  it  is  said,  his  bastion  was  a  sheet  of  flame.  So  inces- 
sant, indeed,  were  the  discharges  that  the  soldiers  called  his  battery, 
Towson's  light  house ;  a  name  which  stuck  to  it  to  the  close  of  the  war. 
General  Ripley,  in  speaking  of  this  part  of  the  action,  says:  "I  cannot 
refrain  from  adverting  to  the  manner  in  which  Captain  Towson's 
artillery  was  served ;  I  have  never  seen  it  equalled.  This  officer  has 
so  often  distinguished  himself,  that  to  say  simply  he  is  in  action,  is  a 
volume  of  eulogium :  the  army,  only  to  be  informed  he  is  there,  by 
a  spontaneous  assent  are  at  once  satisfied  that  he  has  performed  well 
his  part." 

At  the  close  of  the  war  Towson  was  assigned  the  command  of  the 
troops  at  Boston.  He  was  subsequently  at  Newport,  R.  I.  In  1819, 
he  left  the  line  of  the  army,  and  was  appointed  Paymaster-General, 
which  office  he  has  since  continued  to  fill.  In  1834,  under  the  act 
recommended  by  President  Jackson,  Towson  became  entitled  to  an 
additional  brevet ;  and  accordingly  took  rank  as  a  Brigadier  from 
the  15th  of  August,  1824,  the  tenth  anniversary  of  the  battle  of 
Fort  Erie. 

Towson,  from  his  elevation  to  the  Paymaster-Generalship  has 
resided  principally  at  Washington.  He  continued  to  fulfil  the  duties 
of  his  responsible  station,  until  January,  1848,  when  he  was  ordered 
to  Mexico,  to  preside  at  the  court  of  enquiry  held  on  the  Commander- 
in-chief. 

We  may  close  this  sketch  with  the  opinion  passed  on  him  by 
Wilkinson,  certainly  not  a  lenient  judge:  "At  Chippewa,  as  at 
Minden,  the  fate  of  the  day  was  settled  by  the  artillery ;  and  the 
American  Towson  may  deservedly  be  ranked  with  the  British 
Phillips,  Drummond  and  Foy." 


THOMAS  S.  JESSUP. 


HE  name  of  Jessup  has  long  been 
associated,  in  the  popular  mind, 
with  all  that  is  brilliant  and  daring. 
He  was  one  of  that  glorious  band  of 
young  men  who  distinguished  them- 
selves in  the  campaign  of  1814,  and 
who  may  be  considered  the  founders 
of  that  high  military  spirit  which 
now  distinguishes  the  republic.  It 
was  Scott,  Towson,  Jessup,  Worth, 
and  others  of  like  heroic  mould,  who  first  taught  the  now  admitted 
fact,  that  an  American  soldier  must  never  contemplate  the  proba 
bility  of  defeat. 

Jessup  was  born  in  Virginia,  about  the  year  1788.  While  he 
was  still  very  young,  his  family  emigrated  to  Ohio.  The  earlier 
years  of  this  distinguished  officer  were  accordingly  passed  on  the 
frontier,  where  the  physical  qualities  generally  expand  more  than 
the  intellectual  ones.  Jessup,  however,  early  showed  considerable 
ability.  He  was  especially  distinguished  by  a  taste  for  military  pur- 
suits. In  May,  1808,  he  entered  the  army  as  a  Second-Lieutenant 
of  infantry,  Scott  entering  on  the  same  day  as  a  Captain  of  artillery. 
When  the  war  of  1812  began,  his  rise  was  rapid  and  brilliant. 

At  the  battle  of  Chippewa,  Jessup,  now  a  Major,  commanded  the 
battalion  on  the  left  flank  of  Scott's  brigade.  He  had  been  ordered 

175 


176  THOMAS    S.    JESSUP. 

to  prevent  the  enemy  outflanking  him,  and  in  his  effort  to  effect  his 
purpose,  found  himself  pressed  both  in  front  and  on  the  flank,  while 
his  men  were  falling  fast  around  him.  The  emergency  was  critical. 
An  ordinary  officer  would  have  lost  the  day.  But  Jessup,  ordering 
his  battalion,  with  a  firm  voice,  to  "  support  arms,  and  advance," 
the  men,  animated  by  his  lofty  courage,  obeyed,  and  swept  the  field. 
The  manner  in  which,  amid  a  desperate  fire,  his  battalion  executed 
this  movement,  has  always  received  warm  praise,  and  the  credit  of 
the  success,  in  this  part  of  the  field,  is  attributed  entirely  to  his  cool- 
ness, promptitude  and  courage.  For  his  conduct  at  Chippewa,  ho 
received  the  brevet  of  Lieutenant-Colonel. 

In  the  battle  of  Lundy's  Lane,  also,  he  reaped  laurels.  In  this 
action,  he  commanded  the  twenty-fifth  regiment.  Perceiving  that 
the  British  commander  had  thoughtlessly  left  a  road  behind  him 
unguarded,  Jessup  rallied  his  brave  troops  around  him,  and  precipi- 
tated himself  into  the  enemy's  rear.  For  a  few  moments  the  British 
stood  their  ground,  but  the  slaughter  among  them  was  dreadful ;  and 
at  the  fourth  fire  of  our  infantry,  they  fled  down  the  road.  General 
Riall,  with  many  officers  of  rank,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Jessup  by 
this  daring  movement.  The  British  Commander-in-chief,  Lieuten- 
ant-General  Drummond,  would  also  have  been  captured,  but  Jessup 
hearing  that  the  first  brigade  was  cut  to  pieces,  and  finding  himself  with 
but  two  hundred  men,  surrounded  by  the  enemy,  thought  it  advisa- 
ble to  retreat,  and  save  his  command.  At  a  later  period  of  the 
combat,  after  the  height  in  the  lane  had  been  carried  by  Miller, 
Jessup,  with  the  twenty-fifth,  assisted  that  officer  to  repel  three 
several  assaults  on  the  position.  For  his  demeanor  in  this  battle, 
Jessup  was  brevetted  a  Colonel. 

After  the  peace,  Jessup  was  retained  in  the  army.  In  1818,  he 
was  appointed  Quartermaster-General,  with  the  rank  of  a  Brigadier. 
In  1828,  he  received  the  brevet  of  a  Brigadier  in  due  course.  When 
Scott  was  recalled  from  Florida,  Jessup  was  appointed  to  the  vacant, 
command.  He  continued  in  charge  of  the  Seminole  war  for  many 
years,  and  it  was  during  the  period  of  his  command  that  Osceola  was 
captured.  After  the  battle  of  Okee-Chobee,  Jessup  was  recalled, 
and  the  conduct  of  the  war  confided  to  Taylor. 

Jessup  accompanied  Scott  to  Mexico,  where,  however,  he  did  not 
remain  long.  The  duties  of  his  office,  though  important,  did  not 
call  him  into  active  service,  and,  consequently,  he  had  no  means  of 
signalizing  himself. 


EDMUND   P.   GAINES. 

D  M  U  N  D  Pendleton  Galnei, 
a  brevet  Major-General  in  the 
army  of  the  United  States,  was 
the  hero  of  Fort  Erie.  He 
was  born  in  Culpepper  county, 
Virginia,  on  the  20th  of  March,  1777. 
Shortly  after  he  had  attained  his  thir- 
teenth year,  his  father  removed  to  Ten- 
nessee, and  settled  in  Sullivan  county, 
in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  which  the 
Cherokee  Indians  committed  frequent 
depredations.  The  necessity  of  self-defence  against  these  foes,  turned 
the  thoughts  of  young  Gaines  to  military  affairs.  He  studied  every 

23  177 


178  EDMUND    P.    GAINES. 

book  relating  to  the  art  that  he  could  obtain.  He  became  celebrated 
as  one  of  the  best  shots  on  the  border.  At  the  early  age  of  eighteen,  ho 
was  elected  Lieutenant  of  a  rifle  company,  raised  against  the 
Cherokees. 

In  January,  1799,  he  received  his  first  commission,  which  was  that 
of  an  Ensign  in  the  army  of  the  United  States.  In  the  following 
year,  he  was  advanced  to  the  rank  of  Second-Lieutenant,  in  the  fourth 
infantry.  In  1801,  young  Gaines  was  selected  by  his  Colonel  to 
make  a  topographical  survey,  from  Nashville  to  Natchez,  in  order 
to  locate  a  military  road,  under  the  direction  of  the  United  States. 
In  this  duty,  and  in  the  survey  of  certain  Indian  boundaries  near 
the  Choctaw  nation,  he  was  engaged  until  1804.  These  trusts,  thus 
confided  to  him,  show  the  high  opinion  already  formed  of  his  scien- 
tific acquirements.  He  was  now  appointed  military  collector  of 
customs  for  the  district  of  Mobile,  and  was  stationed  at  Fort  Stod- 
dart,  thirty-six  miles  north  of  the  town  of  Mobile.  In  1806  he  was 
promoted  to  a  captaincy.  He  was  the  officer  who,  at  this  period, 
arrested  Burr,  under  the  President's  proclamation.  Subsequently, 
he  entertained  the  idea  of  abandoning  the  pursuit  of  arms  and 
embracing  that  of  the  law ;  and  even  went  so  far  as  to  ask  leave  of 
absence,  arid  begin  the  practice  of  the  profession  in  Washington  and 
Baldwin  counties,  Mississippi.  But  the  war  with  England  soon 
after  breaking  out,  he  resumed  his  sword,  and  has  not  since  aban- 
doned it. 

Gaines  was  attached  to  the  army  of  Harrison  during  the  campaign 
of  1813,  but  illness  prevented  his  sharing  in  the  victory  of  the 
Thames.  He  had  now  been  raised  to  the  rank  of  Colonel,  and  in 
the  action  at  Chrystler's  Fields,  on  the  llth  of  November  of  that 
year,  commanded  the  twenty-fifth  regiment.  His  duty,  on  this  day, 
was  to  cover  the  embarkation  of  our  troops,  after  the  enemy  had 
been  checked  ;  and  this  service  he  performei  in  the  most  admirable 
manner.  Cool  in  danger,  yet  sufficiently  impetuous;  fertile  in 
resources,  though  never  visionary ;  Gaines  soon  established  a  very 
high  reputation,  and  was  rewarded  with  the  rank  of  Brigadier- 
General.  When,  after  the  battle  of  Lundy's  Lane,  the  British  con- 
centrated all  their  available  forces  on  the  Niagara,  and  compelled 
the  Americans,  so  lately  victorious,  to  retreat  to  Fort  Erie,  it  was 
to  Gaines  that  Brown  turned  his  eyes  in  the  illness  of  himself  and 
Scott,  to  defend  that  place.  Accordingly,  Gaines  being  summoned 
to  the  fort,  superseded  Ripley  in  the  command,  though  without 
making  any  change  in  his  predecessor's  arrangements.  Shortly  after 
his  arrival,  in  the  night  between  the  14th  and  15th  of  August,  1814, 


EDMUND    P.    GAINES.  179 

the  memorable  assault  on  Fort  Erie  was  made.  The  victory  that 
crowned  our  arms  on  that  occasion,  has  made  the  name  of  Gaines 
immortal.  Had  not  the  enemy  been  repulsed,  the  remnant  of  Brown's 
heroic  brigade  would  have  been  annihilated,  the  moral  effect  of  the 
late  victories  lost,  and  the  war  protracted  probably  for  years. 

Fort  Erie  had  been  reached  by  the  retiring  army  on  the  27th  of 
July,  and,  from  that  day,  to  the  third  of  August,  when  the  enemy 
arrived  before  the  place,  the  soldiers  labored  incessantly  to  strengthen 
the  works.  The  forces  of  the  British  were  about  four  thousand  two 
hundred,  while  those  of  the  Americans,  at  no  time  during  the  siege, 
amounted  to  two  thousand  five  hundred.  Had  the  enemy  arrived 
two  days  before,  with  such  overpowering  numbers,  the  Americans 
must  have  become  his  prey ;  but*the  latter  had  worked  with  an 
assiduity  almost  unparalleled  in  history,  and  the  British,  perceiving 
nothing  was  to  be  done  by  a  coup  de  main,  sat  down  to  invest  the 
place.  The  main  camp  of  the  foe  was  placed  about  two  miles  from 
the  fort.  In  front  of  this  camp  a  line  of  circumvallation  extended 
partially  around  the  works ;  it  consisted  of  two  lines  of  intrench- 
ments,  supported  by  block-houses.  In  front  of  these  trenches,  batte- 
ries were  erected  at  favorable  points.  One  battery,  in  particular, 
enfiladed  the  works.  The  guns  of  the  enemy  were  never  silent, 
from  the  moment  they  were  mounted,  but  continued  to  pour  a 
destructive  and  unceasing  fire  on  the  fort. 

It  was  on  the  4th  of  August,  the  day  after  the  investment,  that 
Gaines  took  the  command.  The  following  day  the  cannonade  and 
bombardment  begun.  These  were  vigorously  maintained,  varied 
by  occasional  sharp  conflicts  between  the  infantry  and  rifle  corps  of 
the  two  armies,  up  to  the  morning  of  the  grand  assault.  The  loss  in 
these  skirmishes  amounted,  in  the  aggregate,  to  more  than  the  loss 
on  the  15th;  but  the  lives  were  not  sacrificed  in  vain,  since,  in 
these  preliminary  contests,  the  garrison  gained  confidence  for  the 
final  and  decisive  struggle.  On  one  occasion,  a  shell  from  the  British 
penetrated  a  magazine,  which  was,  fortunately,  nearly  empty,  and 
hence,  though  it  blew  up  with  a  terrible  explosion,  none  of  the 
works  were  injured,  nor  was  a  single  member  of  the  garrison  killed. 
Both  armies,  however,  were  appalled  for  a  moment.  The  firing  on 
each  side  ceased.  All  eyes,  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  were  turned 
towards  the  magazine,  where  a  dark  column  of  smoke,  brooding 
ominously  over  the  ruins,  magnified  the  disaster,  and  caused  a  shout 
of  exultation  after  the  first  moments  of  silence.  The  hurrah  had 
scarcely  ceased,  before  the  Americans  returned  it,  and  instantl/ 


180  EDMUND   P.    GAINES. 

opened  their  batteries  afresh.  The  British  replied,  and  soon  this 
interlude  was  forgotten  in  the  renewed  roar  of  battle. 

Gaines,  however,  after  this,  expected  an  assault,  for  ne  knew 
the  explosion  would  lead  the  enemy  to  suppose  he  was  short  of 
ammunition.  Accordingly,  he  held  himself  ready  for  an  attack  at 
any  moment.  At  last,  about  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the 
15th,  the  steady  tramp  of  an  enemy  was  heard  upon  the  left,  long 
before  the  darkness  allowed  his  forces  to  be  seen.  Gaines  was  on 
horseback  at  the  time,  and  promptly  galloped  to  the  point  of  attack. 
Just  as  he  reached  the  angle  of  the  fort,  the  musketry  and  artillery 
opened  on  the  foe,  and  by  the  lurid  light  thus  flung  across  the  night, 
he  beheld  a  column,  fifteen  hundred  strong,  close  upon  the  works. 
Onward  it  came,  reckless  of  the  tremendous  fire,  until  within  ten 
feet  of  the  American  infantry.  Fortunately  an  abattis,  formed  of  loose 
brush,  intervened,  and  checked  the  British  regulars,  but  rapidly 
turning  aside,  they  plunged  into  the  lake,  waist  deep,  in  order  to 
turn  the  abattis,  and  with  mutual  shouts  of  encouragement,  struggled 
thus  towards  the  works.  Gaines,  fearing  this  point  would  be  carried, 
ordered  up  a  detachment  of  riflemen  and  infantry,  but  Major  Wood, 
who  commanded  here,  assured  him  that  the  position  could  be  held 
without  assistance.  His  words  were  soon  made  good.  Before  the 
deadly  fire  of  Towsou's  artillery  and  Wood's  musketry,  the  English 
recoiled,  and  though  they  rallied  and  advanced  again  immediately, 
they  were  once  more  repulsed.  After  this,  no  further  assault  on  the 
left  was  attempted. 

Simultaneously,  however,  a  much  heavier  body  of  the  enemy  was 
precipitated  against  the  right  of  the  fort,  and  here,  in  consequence  of 
the  immensely  preponderating  numbers,  the  contest  was  more  severe. 
The  British  advanced  in  two  columns.  The  one  on  the  extreme 
right,  was  speedily  repulsed.  But  that  in  the  centre,  led  by  Colonel 
Drummond,  one  of  the  bravest,  yet  most  brutal  men  of  the  royal 
army,  was  not  to  be  checked,  either  by  the  sight  of  the  walls 
crowded  with  soldiers,  the  vollies  of  musketry  pouring  from  them, 
or  the  torrents  of  grape  that  swept  by.  His  soldiers  charged  over 
the  open  ground,  down  into  the  ditch,  and  up  its  sides,  where  plant- 
ing their  ladders  against  the  parapet,  they  ascended  in  despite  of 
the  Americans.  But  now  the  defenders,  rallying  themselves  with 
desperate  resolution,  for  if  they  failed  here,  the  day  was  lost,  grap- 
pled with  the  foe,  and  after  a  fierce  struggle,  hurled  him  back  with 
dreadful  carnage.  The  assault  was  repeated  with  indomitable 
spirit,  but  again  repulsed.  A  third  time  the  enemy  planted  nil 


EDMUND    P.    GAINES.  181 

ladders,  and  a  third  time  was  nearly  precipitated  Into  the  ditch. 
But  now  covered  by  the  darkness,  which  was  rendered  more  dense 
in  consequence  of  the  thick  masses  of  smoke  that  lay  packed  at  the 
foot  of  the  works,  the  column  turned  a  little  to  the  right,  and  with 
a  sudden  rush,  re-ascended  the  ladders,  and  falling,  with  pike  and 
bayonet  on  the  astounded  artillerists,  carried  the  bastion,  after  a 
brief,  but  deadly  resistance.  Colonel  Drummond  was  at  the  head 
of  the  storming  party,  cheering  on  his  men.  Captain  Williams,  in 
command  at  this  point,  fell,  mortally  wounded.  Lieutenant  McDo- 
nough  continued  to  fight  until  severely  hurt,  and  then  demanded 
quarter.  It  was  refused  by  Colonel  Drummond,  who  rushed  at 

him,  shouting  :  "  Give  the  d d  Yankees  no  quarter  !"  Seizing  a 

gun-rammer,  McDonough  desperately  defended  himself,  scattering 
the  enemy  right  and  left,  until  Drummond,  with  a  pistol,  shot  him 
dead.  The  British  now  streamed  over  the  bastion,  and  attempted 
'to  rush  on  the  fort,  Colonel  Drummond,  waving  his  sword  in  the 

van,  and  repeating  his  brutal  shout,  "  No  quarter  to  the  d d 

Yankees !"  The  words,  however,  this  time  had  scarcely  left  his 
mouth,  before  he  leaped  into  the  air,  and  tumbled  headlong,  shot 
through  the  heart  by  a  private  of  one  of  the  regiments  of  regulars. 

Meantime  the  enemy  having  been  repulsed  on  the  left,  Gaines 
had  ordered  up  reinforcements  from  that  quarter.  In  the  interval, 
however,  the  British  were  held  in  check,  and  kept  from  advancing 
beyond  the  bastion,  by  the  rapid  and  well-aimed  discharges  of  Captain 
Fanning's  field-pieces,  which  mowed  down  the  foe  wherever  he  left 
covert.  Once  or  twice  the  Americans  attempted  to  regain  the  bastion; 
but  the  effort  was  fruitless :  they  rolled  back  from  its  impervious 
sides  like  a  baffled  tide  receding  from  the  rocks.  The  night  still  con- 
tinued intensely  dark.  But  suddenly  the  whole  firmament  was  lit  up 
as  at  noon-day.  The  earth  quaked.  All  thought  the  fort  blowing  up. 
When  the  smoke  cleared  off,  the  English  in  the  bastion,  from  which 
the  explosion  appeared,  were  seen  rushing  wildly  towards  the  ditch. 
At  the  same  instant  the  cause  of  the  disaster  was  made  apparent. 
A  quantity  of  cartridges  had  been  deposited  in  the  end  of  a  stone 
building  adjoining  the  bastion,  and  these  igniting,  had  blown  up. 
The  vivid  blaze  of  light  was  over  in  an  instant,  and  comparative 
gloom  fell  around.  But,  through  the  darkness,  the  cries  of  the 
British,  who,  in  their  panic,  believed  the  Americans  were  going  to 
destroy  themselves  and  the  fort,  rose  wild  and  high  over  the  rece- 
ding echoes  of  the  explosion. 

Captain  Biddle  hastened  to  improve  this  moment  of  consternation, 
by  enfilading  the  exterior  plain  and  salient  glacis  with  his  field-piece 

XVI 


182  EDMUND    P.    GAINES. 

Captain  Fanning  also  followed  the  enemy  with  rapid  and  deadly 
discharges  from  his  artillery.  The  effect  of  these  united  fires,  con- 
joined with  their  late  affright,  was  such  that  the  British  could  not 
recover  themselves,  but  breaking  in  every  direction,  fled  swiftly 
from  the  ramparts.  When  the  ensuing  morning  dawned  upon  the 
sanguinary  scene,  two  hundred  and  twenty-one  of  the  enemy  were 
found  lifeless  on  the  field,  besides  one  hundred  and  seventy-four 
who  had  been  too  severely  wounded  to  be  carried  off.  In  addition 
to  this,  there  were  one  hundred  and  sixty-eight  prisoners.  The 
American  loss  was  seventeen  killed,  fifty-six  wounded,  and  eleven 
missing.  Thus  ended  the  assault  on  Fort  Erie.  When  it  is  recol- 
lected that  on  the  preservation  of  that  work  hung  the  whole  morale, 
of  the  army,  and  that  a  distinguished  officer  of  brigade  under  General 
Brown  had  declared  it  impossible  to  resist  successfully,  we  can  form 
some  idea,  though  but  a  faint  one,  of  the  immense  importance  of 
the  triumph. 

On  the  28th  of  August,  Gaines  received  a  wound  from  the  bursting 
of  a  shell,  which  incapacitated  him  for  a  while  from  service ;  ani 
accordingly  the  command  devolved  again  on  Ripley.  For  his  gal- 
lantry in  the  assault  Gaines  was  soon  after  brevetted  a  Major-General. 
Congress  voted  him  also  a  gold  medal.  The  states  of  Virginia, 
Tennessee  and  Alabama  each  presented  him  with  a  sword.  On  the 
reduction  of  the  army,  after  the  peace,  he  was  retained  in  his  old 
rank. 

He  served  for  some  time  in  the  south,  on  the  Florida  frontier. 
Subsequently  he  was  detached  to  the  western  department,  and  was 
in  command  of  it  when  Black  Hawk's  war  broke  out.  His  move- 
ments were  spirited  and  energetic,  but  he  was  soon  superseded.  He 
was  next  appointed  to  his  old  station  in  the  south,  and  was  there 
when  Dade's  massacre  occurred.  He  immediately  proceeded  to 
chastise  the  Seminoles.  In  this  campaign  he  was  twice  attacked  by 
the  enemy,  whom,  on  both  occasions,  he  repulsed.  On.  the  llth  of 
March,  1836,  he  was  superseded  by  Scott. 

For  several  succeeding  years  he  was  kept  in  comparative  inactivity. 
In  1846,  however,  he  was  at  New  Orleans  when  intelligence  arrived 
of  Taylor's  peril  on  the  Rio  Grande,  before  the  battle  of  Palo  Alto. 
Gaines  immediately  issued  a  requisition  for  a  large  force  of  volun- 
teers. For  this  act,  deemed  unnecessary  at  the  time,  he  was  recalled 
and  censured  by  a  court-martial. 

Gaines  died  at  New  Orleans,  on  the  6th  of  June,  1849. 


PETER    B.    PORTER. 


JU 


ETER  B.  PORTER,  a  Major- 
General  in  the  war  of  1812,  con- 
tributed largely  to  the  success  of 
the  campaign  on  the  Niagara. — 
Rallying  the  volunteers  in  the  summer  of 
,1813,  he  continued  at  the  head  of  that  corps 
of  the  army  throughout  the  ensuing  year ; 
land  at  Chippewa,  Lundy's  Lane  and  Fort 
lErie  fought  with  the  personal  intrepidity  of 
a  hero.  For  his  services  at  this  eventful 
period  of  our  history,  Congress,  by  a  resolution  of  November  the  3d, 
1814,  presented  him  with  a  gold  medal. 

Porter  was  born  at  Salisbury,  Connecticut,  on  the  14th  of  August, 
1773.  After  completing  his  preliminary  studies,  he  entered  Yale 
College,  where  he  subsequently  graduated  with  high  honor.  Having 
afterwards  studied  the  law,  he  settled  to  practise  in  his  native  place. 

183 


184  PETER    B.    PORTER. 

Here  he  rose  rapidly  to  influence.  He  was  elected  to  Congress,  and 
in  that  body  chosen  chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Relations. 
In  1811,  he  was  appointed  a  commissioner  in  relation  to  inland 
navigation ;  and  he  had  thus  the  honor  of  being  one  of  the  first 
to  lay  the  corner  stone  in  the  prosperity  of  New  York.  The  war 
of  1812,  however,  called  him  to  sterner  duties.  Having  removed 
to  Black  Rock,  he  was  there  when  the  descent  was  made  on  that 
place  in  1813,  and,  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  the  hastily  col- 
lected volunteers,  succeeded  in  repelling  the  attack.  From  that  hour 
he  was  an  active  participater  in  the  war  on  the  northern  frontier. 

Porter  having  been  made  a  Brigajdier-General,  was  present  with 
his  command  at  the  battle  of  Chippewa.  His  task  was  to  march 
through  the  woods,  and  endeavor  to  turn  the  right  of  the  enemy ; 
but  though  foiled  in  executing  this  duty,  he  gallantly  met  and  re- 
pulsed the  British.  General  Brown,  in  his  official  despatch,  says : 
"  The  conduct  of  General  Porter  has  been  conspicuously  gallant : 
every  assistance  in  his  power  to  afford,  with  the  description  of  force 
under  his  command,  has  been  rendered."  In  the  battle  of  Lundy's 
Lane,  also,  Porter  signalized  himself;  and  by  his  personal  heroism, 
excited  that  of  his  corps.  General  Brown  officially  speaks  of  him 
as  follows :  "  It  is  with  great  pleasure  I  saw  the  good  order  and 
intrepidity  of  General  Porter's  volunteers  from  the  moment  of  their 
arrival ;  but,  during  the  last  charge  of  the  enemy,  those  qualities 
were  conspicuous.  Stimulated  by  their  gallant  leader,  they  precipi- 
tated themselves  upon  the  enemy's  line,  and  made  all  the  prisoners 
which  were  taken  at  this  point  of  the  action." 

In  the  series  of  skirmishes  at  Fort  Erie,  ending  with  the  repulse 
of  the  British  assault  on  the  15th  of  August,  1814,  Porter  played  a 
very  prominent  part.  During  the  terrible  morning  of  the  15th,  he 
commanded  the  centre,  and,  with  his  riflemen  and  volunteers,  con- 
tributed materially  to  the  victory  on  that  occasion.  For  his  conduct 
during  this  campaign,  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Major-General. 

At  the  close  of  the  war,  Porter  returned  to  political  life,  and  in 
1815,  was  elected  to  Congress.  During  the  ensuing  year,  the  office 
of  Secretary  of  State  was  tendered  to  him,  but  he  declined  it.  He 
was  one  of  the  commissioners  appointed,  in  1817,  to  run  the  boun- 
dary line  between  the  United  States  and  Canada.  He  was  Secretary 
of  War  for  awhile  under  the  Presidency  of  John  Quincy  Adams. 
In  1829  he  retired  to  private  life. 

Porter  died  at  Niagara,  on  the  20th  of  March,  1844. 


ALEXANDER    MACOMB. 


LJ 


N  the  struggle  for  Independence 
the  west  was  a  wilderness,  and 
consequently  could  furnish  no 
heroes  for  the  war.  But  since 
that  period,  it  has  supplied,  per- 
haps, more  soldiers  and  Generals  than  any 
other  section.  Alexander  Macomb  was  the 
first  military  commander  born  in  the  west 
who  rose  to  distinction.  His  birth  occurred 
at  Detroit,  in  the  present  state  of  Michigan, 
on  the  3d  of  April,  1782.  While  still  a  child,  however,  the  family 
removed  to  New  York,  and  young  Macomb  was  placed  at  a  eel- 
brated  school  in  Newark,  N.  J.,  to  be  educated.  Here  he  remained 
several  years. 

185  24  vix« 


186  ALEXANDER     MACOMB. 

In  1798,  the  difficulties  with  France  became  so  serious  as  to 
threaten  hostilities,  and  preparations  were  made  actively  throughout 
the  Union  for  a  war  with  that  republic.  Among  others,  young 
Macomb  tendered  his  sword  to  his  country,  and  was  enrolled  in  a 
company  called  the  "  New  York  Rangers,"  whose  services  had  been 
offered  and  accepted  by  the  President.  The  ambition  of  the  young 
volunteer  soon  aspired  to  a  commission  in  the  regular  army,  and,  in 
1799,  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  appointment  of  a  Cornet.  The 
difficulties  between  the  United  States  and  France  being  amicably 
adjusted,  most  of  those  who  had  enlisted  for  the  war,  retired  to  more 
peaceful  avocations.  Macomb,  however,  had  a  strong  military 
bent,  and  was  eager  to  continue  in  the  service.  Accordingly,  on  the 
subsequent  formation  of  a  corps  of  engineers,  he  was  appointed  to 
a  lieutenancy  in  it,  and  stationed,  for  a  time,  at  West  Point.  In 
1805,  he  rose  to  the  rank  of  Captain/and  in  1808,  to  that  of  Major. 
During  all  this  time  he  remained  in  the  engineers.  When,  however, 
the  war  of  1812  broke  out,  he  asked  to  be  transferred  to  the  artil- 
lery, because  there  would  be  little  opportunity  of  distinguishing  him 
self  in  his  old  corps.  He  had,  during  his  comparatively  long 
service  earned  a  reputation  for  substantial  merit,  and,  in  consequence 
his  request  was  granted.  He  was  appointed  a  Colonel,  and  given 
the  command  of  the  third  regiment.  This  regiment  had  yet  to  be 
raised,  but  the  ranks  were  not  long  in  filling  up ;  for  in  November, 
1812,  Macomb  was  able  to  join  the  army  on  the  northern  frontier, 
with  his  new  command.  Here  he  distinguished  himself  at  Niagara 
and  Fort  George.  In  January,  1814,  he  was  raised  to  the  rank  of 
Brigadier.  The  charge  of  the  country  bordering  on  Lake  Champlain, 
was  now  entrusted  to  him,  and  it  was  here  that  he  won  the  battle  of 
Plattsburgh,  one  of  the  most  gallant  victories  of  the  war. 

The  summer  of  1814  was  a  gloomy  one  for  the  United  States. 
The  war  in  Europe  had  just  been  brought  to  a  close  by  the  abdica- 
tion of  Napoleon,  and  the  British  veterans,  thus  disengaged,  were 
sent,  at  once,  across  the  Atlantic.  During  the  month  of  July,  tran- 
sports continually  arrived  in  the  St.  Lawrence,  crowded  with  the 
troops  of  Wellington.  By  the  first  of  August,  fifteen  thousand  men 
had  been  added  to  the  British  disposable  force  in  the  Canadas.  Nor 
were  these  reinforcements  composed  of  ordinary  soldiers.  On  the 
contrary,  they  were  culled  from  the  flower  of  the  English  army — 
from  the  conquerors  of  Badajoz,  San  Sebastian,  and  Bayonne.  The 
battles  of  Chippewa  and  Lundy's  Lane  assisted,  in  a  measure,  to 
remove  the  public  despondency,  by  proving  that,  against  equal 
numbers,  our  regular  troops,  when  ably  commanded,  had  little  to 


ALEXANDER    MACOMB.  187 

fear.  But  the  peril  consisted  in  the  overwhelming  forces  of  the 
enemy.  Not  a  week  passed  in  the  month  of  August,  which  did  not 
bring  more  transports  from  Europe,  with  fresh  additions  of  veteran 
soldiers  to  increase  the  already  overflowing  army  in  the  Canadas. 
After  numerous  additions  had  been  made  to  the  force  on  the  Niagara, 
there  remained  fourteen  thousand  men  on  the  lower  St.  Lawrence; 
and  these,  organized  under  Sir  George  Prescott,  were  destined,  it 
was  secretly  whispered,  to  move  down  Lake  Champlain,  seize  the 
line  of  the  Hudson,  and  cutting  off  New  England  from  the  rest  of 
the  confederation,  finish  by  capturing  the  city  of  New  York. 

When  Ihis  bold  design  became  first  known  to  the  Americans,  they 
had  no  army  on  Champlain  competent  for  resistance,  for  General 
Izard  had  just  marched  towards  Niagara  with  all  his  disposable 
strength,  in  order  to  relieve  Fort  Erie.  Macomb,  who  now  found 
himself  the  senior  officer,  had  no  organized  battalions,  if  we  except 
four  companies  of  the  sixth  regiment.  The  remainder  of  his  force, 
which  amounted  only  to  about  fifteen  hundred  effective  men,  was 
composed  of  convalescents  and  recruits  of  the  new  regiments.  His 
works  were  weak ;  the  stores  were  in  confusion ;  the  ordnance  out  of 
order ;  and,  in  short,  everything  in  the  worst  possible  condition  to 
face  an  active,  enterprising  and  veteran  foe.  Every  day  intelligence 
was  brought  in  that  the  enemy  had  approached  nearer.  His  procla- 
mations soon  revealed  that  his  design  was  to  attack  Plattsburgh. 
At  this  the  inhabitants  fled  in  alarm.  Macomb  was  quickly  left 
with  no  assistance  beyond  his  regulars,  except  what  was  de- 
rived from  a  few  men  and  boys,  who,  ashamed  to  desert  their 
homes  like  others,  formed  themselves  into  a  company,  received 
rifles,  and  went  zealously  to  work. 

But  the  emergency  found  the  American  General  with  a  mind 
equal  to  its  demands.  A  different  spirit  pervaded  him  from  that 
which  had  led  to  disgrace  under  Hull  and  Wilkinson.  In  1813, 
perhaps,  the  Americans  would  have  abandoned  Plattsburgh  without 
a  blow ;  but  a  new  race  of  men  had  risen  to  be  leaders,  and  the 
people,  who  always  catch  more  or  less  of  the  feelings  of  their  Gene- 
rals, were  now  as  confident  as  they  would  then  have  been  despond- 
ing. Macomb  did  all  he  could  to  increase  that  confidence.  He 
reminded  his  men  of  what  their  fellow-soldiers  had  achieved  at 
Chippewa  and  Lundy's  Lane ;  and  assured  them,  that  if  possessed 
of  a  like  resolution,  they  could  as  nobly  sustain  the  honor  of  their 
flag.  He  divided  his  little  force  into  detachments,  and  assigned  them 
stations  near  the  several  forts,  declaring,  in  his  general  orders,  that 
each  detachment  was  the  garrison  of  its  own  work,  and  must  rely 


188  ALEXANDER   MACOMB. 

entirely  on  itself.  He  lost  no  time  in  rallying  the  country  people  to 
his  assistance.  He  urged  General  Mooers,  of  the  militia,  to  make 
a  levy  en  masse.  When  the  troops  began  to  come  in,  he  sent  them 
forward  to  break  up  the  roads  and  destroy  the  bridges.  In  a  word, 
the  same  system  which  had  been  tried  with  such  success  to  defeat  Bur- 
goyne,  was  now  vigorously  applied  to  check  the  advance  of 
Prevost.  Yet,  for  awhile,  every  effort  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the 
British  proved  abortive.  The  detachments  sent  out  to  meet  the  van 
of  the  enemy,  fell  back  in  confusion.  With  the  proud  step  of  assured 
conquerors,  the  English  advanced  against  Plattsburgh,  and  on  the 
6th  of  September,  made  their  appearance  before  that  place,  driving 
in  impetuously,  the  parties  of  militia  that  attempted  to  skirmish  on 
their  front.  Even  a  body  of  riflemen  that  met  the  enemy  debouch- 
ing from  a  wood,  failed  to  arrest  him.  A  battery  of  field  pieces, 
that  next  opened  on  him,  had  no  better  success.  Undaunted,  those 
scarred  and  sun-burnt  veterans,  the  heroes  of  a  hundred  conflicts  on 
the  hills  of  Spain,  pressed  shouting  on,  never  deploying  in  their 
whole  march,  but  advancing  vauntingly  in  columns. 

The  village  of  Plattsburgh  is  situated  on  the  north-west  side  of  a 
stream  called  the  Saranac,  which,  at  no  great  distance,  empties  into 
Lake  Champlain.  The  American  works  were  placed  on  the  other  side 
of  the  river,  opposite  the  town.  Consequently,  when  the  enemy  had 
driven  in  the  skirmishingparties  of  our  little  army,  no  resource  remained 
but  to  abandon  the  village  and  retreat  to  the  shelter  of  the  works.  In 
order  to  cover  this  movement,  the  field-pieces  were  hurried  across 
the  bridge,  and  hastily  thrown  into  battery,  when  a  furious  and 
incessant  fire  was  opened  on  the  advancing  masses  of  the  British. 
The  troops,  as  they  retired,  moreover,  kept  up  a  running  discharge  of 
volleys  on  the  foe.  By  this  means  every  corps  succeeded  in  effecting 
its  escape.  The  enemy  maintained  the  pursuit,  however,  with  the 
utmost  gallantry,  and,  on  reaching  the  bridge,  threw  parties  of  sharp- 
shooters into  the  neighboring  houses,  from  the  windows  and  balco- 
nies of  which  a  continual  fire  was  kept  up  on  the  Americans. 
Several  desperate  but  unavailing  attempts  were  made  by  the  enemy 
to  drive  the  guards  from  the  bridge.  The  Americans,  annoyed  by  the 
sharp-shooters,  now  opened  with  hot  shot  on  the  houses  where  these 
men  had  stationed  themselves.  Soon  the  fiery  missives  took  effect. 
Speedily  several  dwellings  were  in  a  "blaze.  Driven  from  their 
foothold  here,  the  British  fell  back.  Thus  the  afternoon  wore 
away.  As  the  dusk  began  to  fall,  the  Americans  retiring 
wholly  across  the  bridge,  tore  up  its  planks,  and  formed  breast 
works  with  them.  Night  settled  down,  but  the  battle  raged 


ALEXANDER    MACOMB.  189 

The  roar  of  the  artillery,  the  rattle  of  musketry,  the  whistling  of  the 
balls,  and  the  occasional  cheers  of  the  combatants,  rose  up  in  awful 
discord,  while  the  lurid  appearance  of  the  hot  shot,  and  the  conflag- 
ration that  lit  up  the  sky  when  some  fresh  house  took  fire,  added  to 
the  horrors  of  the  scene.  At  last,  the  British  drew  off,  and  aban- 
doned all  attempts  to  force  a  passage.  Not  only  at  the  main  bridge, 
but  at  one  higher  up,  defended  by  militia,  the  foe  had  been  repulsed, 
with  heavy  loss. 

When  morning  dawned,  it  was  discovered  that  the  enemy  were 
throwing  up  intrenchments,  and  the  spies  soon  brought  in  intelli- 
gence of  the  approach  of  his  battering  train.  There  was  no  fear, 
consequently,  of  an  assault  that  day.  Macomb  employed  the  respite 
in  sending  off  new  couriers  to  raise  the  neighboring  country-people. 
To  his  troops  he  spoke  in  grateful  terms  for  the  bravery  they  had 
shown,  with  the  exception  of  some  of  the  militia,  on  the  preceding 
day,  and  on  these  latter,  he  said  he  was  assured  he  should, 
on  the  next  occasion,  have  nothing  but  praises  to  bestow.  The 
volunteers  from  New  York  and  Vermont,  as  well  as  the  regular 
drafts  of  militia,  came  pouring  into  the  camp.  Macomb  immedi- 
ately disposed  them  along  the  shores  of  the  Saranac.  Continual 
skirmishes  occurred  for  the  next  four  days,  and  more  than  once  the 
British  resumed  their  attempts  to  cross  the  bridges.  As  he  had 
expected,  Macomb  now  found  the  militia  behaving  with  the  utmost 
spirit.  Every  day  increased  their  confidence  in  themselves,  while 
it  diminished  their  dread  of  the  enemy.  The  American  General,  as 
soon  as  his  reinforcements  would  permit,  despatched  a  strong  body 
in  the  rear  of  the  British  army,  with  orders  to  harass  it  day  and 
night.  Meantime,  the  regulars  were  kept  assiduously  at  work  on 
the  intrenchments.  The  final  trial  of  strength  Macomb  knew 
could  not  be  very  distant,  for  the  enemy's  fleet  was  hourly  advanc- 
ing, and  every  moment  a  naval  engagement  might  be  expected, 
which  would,  necessarily,  lead  to  an  attack  on  land. 

The  expected  battle  occurred  on  the  llth.  Early  on  the  morning 
of  that  day,  the  British  squadron  appeared  in  sight,  and  about  nine 
o'clock,  anchored  within  three  hundred  yards  of  the  American 
fleet  under  McDonough,  and  commenced  a  brisk  cannonade.  Sim- 
ultaneously, the  batteries  of  the  enemy  opened  against  Macomb's 
defences.  The  anxious  eyes  of  his  army  were  now  called  away 
from  the  naval  contest,  to  watch  the  demonstrations  of  their  more 
immediate  enemy  on  land.  Three  several  times  the  British 
attempted  to  carry  the  American  works.  On  the  first  occasion  the 
assault  was  made  at  the  village  bridge,  where  it  was  promptly 


190  ALEXANDER  MACOMB. 

repulsed  by  the  regulars.  Amid  a  tempest  of  balls  and  bombs,  me 
soldiers  of  the  enemy  were  seen  rushing  to  the  attack,  bearing  innu- 
merable scaling  ladders,  and  cheering  as  they  came  on.  But, 
unappalled  by  the  spectacle,  the  regulars  stood  firm,  and  delivered 
such  well-aimed  volleys,  that  the  storming  party  fell  back.  A 
second  attempt,  made  at  the  upper  bridge,  was  also  repulsed. 
The  enemy  now  turned  his  attention  towards  a  ford,  about  three 
miles  from  the  works,  hoping  to  find  it  unguarded,  but  here  the  militia 
lined  the  wooded  shore  of  the  stream,  and  under  cover  of  the  trees, 
poured  in  a  destructive  fire.  Nevertheless,  one  company  of  the 
English  army,  stung  with  shame  at  being  thus  held  in  check  by 
this  irregular  force,  after  the  most  desperate  efforts,  succeeded  in 
crossing  the  stream.  But  the  rest  of  their  companions  failing  to 
follow,  they  were  killed  or  taken  prisoners,  to  a  man. 

Throughout  the  whole  day,  the  British  maintained  their  cannon- 
ade on  the  American  works.     From  nine  o'clock  until  sunset,  a 
continual  roar  of  artillery,  intermingled  with  the  sharper  reports  of 
musketry,  stunned  the  ears,  and  shook  the  solid  ramparts.     Round 
shot  bounded  around   the  works,  rockets  hissed  through  the  sky, 
and  bombs  tore  up  the  ground  where  the  Americans  stood  ;  while, 
for  a  part  of  the  day,  the  sounds  of  the  naval  conflict  boomed  louder 
and  louder  across  the  water.     At  one  point  of  the  battle,  it  was 
thought  that  McDonough  had  surrendered.     But  when  the  smoke 
blew  away,  the  American  stars  and  stripes  were  still  seen  floating. 
At  last  the  British  struck.     At  this  sight,  a  wild   huzza  rose  up 
spontaneously,  from  the  troops  on  shore.    At  dusk  the  enemy  ceased 
his  cannonade,  destroyed  his  batteries,  and  secretly  made  prepara- 
tions for  removing  his  baggage,  a  course  rendered  absolutely  neces- 
sary by  the  unexpected  destruction  of  his  fleet.    In  the  dead  of  the 
night,  abandoning  his  sick  and  wounded,  he  'began  a  precipitate 
retreat.     The  spoils  of  the  Americans  were  immense.     The  English 
had  retired  eight  miles  before  their  flight  was  discovered.     The  pur- 
suit was  then  immediately  begun,  but  a  heavy  storm  prevented  any 
fruits,  except  a  few  prisoners,  who  were  cut  off  from  the  rear  guard. 
For  his  conduct  in  this  defence,  Macomb  was  brevetted  a  Major- 
General.  On  the  conclusion  of  peace,  he  remained  in  the  army,and  was 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the  north-western  frontier.     In  1821, 
he  removed  to  Washington,  as  chief  of  the  corps  of  engineers.  On  the 
death  of  General  Brown,  Macomb  became  commander-in-chief  of 
the  army.    His  decease  occurred  at  the  capitol,  June  25th,  1841. 


SAMUEL    SMITH. 

AMUEL  SMITH,  a  Major-General 
in  the   Maryland  militia,  claims  a 
place  in  this  gallery  of  portraits.     It 
was  his  destiny  to  serve  his  country 
through  two  wars,  and  in  each  emi- 
nently to  distinguish  himself.     In  the 
Revolution,  he  held  the  rank  of  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  on  the  continental  estab- 
lishment, and  made  the  gallant  defence 
of  Fort  Mifflin,  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
affairs  of  the  war.     In  the  contest  of 

__         1812,  he  commanded  the  American  army 

at  the  battle  of  Baltimore,  and  proved  that,  though  advanced  in 

191 


192  SAMUEL    SMITH. 

years,  he  had  lost  none  of  the  vigor  and  fire  of  his  youth.  He  ran 
a  civil  career  also  of  great  splendor.  There  are  few  men  who  have 
shone  with  more  equal  lustre,  in  all  capacities,  than  General  Samuel 
Smith,  or  who  survived  so  long  to  behold  the  increasing  greatness 
of  the  little  republic  for  which  they  bled  in  youth. 

Smith  was  born  in  Lancaster  county,  Pennsylvania,  on  the  27th 
of  July,  1752.  His  father,  shortly  after  the  birth  of  the  son,  removed 
to  Carlisle,  in  the  same  state,  and  finally,  in  1760,  settled  in  Baltimore. 
Here  the  elder  Smith  became  a  successful  merchant.  The  son,  having 
finished  his  education,  at  the  age  of  fourteen  was  placed  in  his  father's 
counting-room.  He  continued  serving  an  apprenticeship  here  until 
his  nineteenth  year,  when  he  was  sent  to  Europe  as  supercargo  in 
one  of  his  father's  vessels.  He  spent  some  time  in  travelling  abroad, 
and  on  his  return  home,  at  the  age  of  manhood,  was  taken  into  part- 
nership by  his  parent.  But  his  bold  and  energetic  mind  was  better 
adapted  for  the  camp  than  the  counting-house,  and  accordingly,  when 
the  War  of  Independence  broke  out,  he  solicitedand  obtained  a  cap- 
taincy in  the  regiment  of  Colonel  Smallwood.  In  that  gallant  band 
he  was  one  of  the  most  courageous.  He  rose  rapidly  to  the  rank 
of  Major,  and  subsequently  to  that  of  Lieutenant-Colonel.  In  the 
latter  capacity  he  won  unfading  laurels  by  his  defence  of  Fort  Mifflin, 
in  1777,  holding  the  post  for  a  space  of  seven  weeks,  against  the 
combined  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  enemy.  His  behavior  on  this 
occasion  was  so  spirited,  that  Congress,  by  a  resolution  of  the  4th 
of  November,  1777,  voted  him  a  sword  as  some  token  of  their 
approbation.  Smith  took  part  in  the  battle  of  Brandy  wine ;  endured 
the  privations  of  Valley  Forge ;  and  was  subsequently  present  at 
Monmquth,  the  most  fiercely  contested  combat  in  the  north.  On 
the  conclusion  of  peace  he  retired  to  his  adopted  state. 

But  he  was  not  destined  to  remain  in  the  private  sphere  to  which 
he  had  so  unpretendingly  retired.  An  insurrection  had  broken  out 
in  the  western  part  of  Pennsylvania,  in  consequence  of  the  excise 
laws  passed  by  the  federal  government ;  and  Washington,  convinced 
that  mercy  consisted  in  sharp  and  speedy  remedies,  called  out  an 
imposing  force  in  order  to  quell  the  rebellion.  Among  other  states 
Maryland  was  called  on  for  her  quota  of  troops.  At  the  head  of 
these,  Smith  was  placed,  with  the  rank  of  Brigadier-General  in  the 
militia.  The  insurrection  having  been  peaceably  quelled,  he  once 
more  retired  to  private  life.  His  fellow  citizens,  however,  did  not 
suffer  him  to  remain  unemployed.  He  had  distinguished  himself  as 
an  ardent  advocate  of  the  federal  constitution,  and  indeed  had  no 
small  share  in  procuring  its  adoption  by  Maryland :  consequently  he 


SAMUEL    SMITH.  193 

•\nras  now  honored,  by  the  city  of  Baltimore,  with  the  post  of  repre- 
sentative in  Congress,  an  office  he  continued  to  hold  for  many  years. 
He  was  subsequently  chosen  United  States  Senator,  and  continued 
to  be  re-elected,  for  successive  terms,  during  twenty-three  years.  In 
his  legislative  capacity  he  distinguished  himself  as  eminently  as 
formerly  in  military  affairs.  He  was  a  close  and  logical  debater ; 
indefatigable  in  his  duties;  and  a  resolute,  persevering  and  energetic 
advocate  of  whatever  he  undertook.  His  name  is  found  connected 
with  most  of  the  great  political  measures  of  his  day. 

When  the  threatened  descent  of  the  British  on  Baltimore  took 
place,  in  September,  1814,  he  assumed  command  of  the  defence,  by 
right  of  his  rank  as  Major-General  of  the  militia.  His  dispositions 
were  admirable,  both  in  his  preparatory  measures,  and  on  the  two 
days  of  the  conflict.  In  anticipation  of  the  landing  of  the  enemy, 
Smith  detached  General  Strieker,  on  the  llth  of  September,  towards 
North  Point.  The  troops  halted  near  the  head  of  Bear  Creek,  seven 
miles  from  Baltimore,  where  they  awaited  during  the  night  of  the 
llth,  further  intelligence  from  the  foe.  On  the  following  morning, 
the  videttes  brought  in  news  that  the  British  were  landing,  under 
cover  of  their  gun-boats,  near  North  Point.  The  Americans  im- 
mediately took  up  a  position  at  the  union  of  two  roads  leading  from 
the  city  to  the  Point;  while  an  advance  party,  under  Major  Heath, 
was  pushed  forward  to  check  the  progress  of  the  enemy's  van.  A 
skirmish  in  which  General  Ross,  the  British  commander  fell,  was 
the  result  of  this  movement.  Towards  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
the  enemy's  advancing  columns  came  in  sight  of  the  main  body  of 
our  army,  and,  after  a  preliminary  discharge  of  rockets,  the  action 
grew  general  and  fierce  along  the  whole  line.  For  nearly  an  hour 
and  a  half  General  Strieker  successfully  maintained  his  ground;  but 
finally  was  forced  to  give  way,  and  fell  back  to  a  new  position. 
Half  a  mile  in  the  rear  of  the  spot  where  he  now  disposed  his  forces, 
was  the  line  of  intrenchments  which  had  been  drawn  around  the 
city :  and  the  enemy,  seeing  this,  considered  it  advisable  to  draw 
off  his  soldiers  for  the  night.  General  Strieker  was  here  reinforced 
by  General  Winder.  Meantime  other  troops  manned  the  intrench- 
ments, all  resolute  for  the  final  struggle,  which  was  expected  on  the 
morrow. 

Throughout  the  night,  accordingly,  there  was  but  little  sleep  in. 
the  American  camp,  for  many  of  those  brave  defenders  had  families 
in  the  city,  and  anxiety  for  their  fate  kept  all  watchful  with  suspense. 
The  dawn  at  last  came,  and  was  ushered  in  by  the  sound  of  guns  in 
the  direction  of  Fort  McHenry,  where  the  British  fleet  had  opened  a 
xvii  14 


194  SAMUEL    SMITH. 

bombardment.  The  land  forces  of  the  enemy  were  now  in  full  view 
on  the  Philadelphia  road,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  in  front  of  General 
Strieker's  position ;  and  directly  his  masses  were  seen  moving  off  to 
the  right,  as  if  with  the  design  of  making  a  circuit  and  assaulting  the 
city  on  the  York  or  Hartford  roads.  Smith  promptly  manoeuvred 
his  forces  to  counteract  this  movement  of  the  foe.  Finding  himself 
foiled,  the  ^British  General  concentrated  his  regiments  in  front,  and 
advanced  to  within  a  mile  of  the  intrenchments,  as  if  with  the 
intention  of  assaulting  the  works  before  night.  This  new  disposition 
of  the  enemy  led  to  a  corresponding  change  in  Smith's  arrangements. 
He  recalled  Strieker  and  Winder,  and  placing  them  on  the  right  of 
the  British,  held  them  ready  to  precipitate  them  on  the  flank  or  rear 
of  the  foe,  should  an  assault  be  made.  Night  fell,  however,  without 
any  further  demonstrations  on  the  part  of  the  enemy;  and  compara- 
tive silence  gathered  around  the  space  between  the  two  armies ; 
though  still,  in  the  direction  of  Fort  McHenry,  the  battle  raged 
without  intermission,  bombs  crossing  and  re-crossing,  like  wild 
portents,  through  the  night. 

The  attack  on  this  fort  had  begun,  as  we  have  stated,  at  sunrise, 
on  the  13th.  The  bomb-vessels  of  the  British  having  advanced  to 
within  two  miles  of  the  place,  anchored,  on  finding  that  their  shells 
reached,  and,  for  more  than  twenty-four  hours,  maintained  an  inces- 
sant fire.  The  garrison  of  Fort  McHenry  numbered  about  a  thou- 
sand men,  who  were  in  the  highest  spirits,  and  prepared  promptly 
to  repel  the  attack  of  the  enemy.  Unfortunately,  however,  it  was 
found  that  the  range  of  their  guns  was  too  short  to  injure  the  foe, 
and  of  course  the  firing  on  their  part  was  soon  abandoned.  All 
through  that  morning  the  Americans,  compelled  to  inactivity,  bore, 
without  shrinking,  one  of  the  most  tremendous  bombardments  that 
ever  took  place  on  this  continent.  An  incessant  shower  of  shells 
rained  down  on  the  fort,  exploding  often  in  the  midst  of  the  enclo- 
sures; yet  the  men,  though  unprovided  with  bomb-proofs,  remained 
courageously  at  their  posts.  Sometimes,  as  the  hissing  missile 
came  whirling  to  the  earth,  it  would  be  discovered  that  the  fuse  was 
not  yet  burned  down ;  and  then,  one  of  the  boldest  of  the  garrison 
would  hastily  extinguish  it.  At  other  times,  as  the  shell  buried 
itself  in  the  ground,  roaring  ominously,  the  by-standers  had  no 
means  of  escape  except  to  fling  themselves  flat  on  their  faces,  and 
suffer  the  explosion  to  expend  itself  around  them.  At  still  other 
times,  the  bomb  would  burst  in  the  air,  just  before  reaching  its  des- 
tination, scattering  its  iron  fragments  among  the  soldiers  of  the  fort, 
maiming  and  killing  in  every  direction. 


SAMUEL    SMITH.  195 

One  of  these  missiles,  about  two  o'clock,  P.  M.,  on  the  13th, 
struck  the  carriage  of  a  twenty-four  pounder  in  the  fort,  dismount- 
ing the  gun,  killing  a  lieutenant,  and  wounding  several  men.  The 
apparent  confusion  that  reigned  for  awhile,  induced  the  enemy  to 
suppose  that  he  had  caused  some  fatal  damage,  when,  in  fact,  the 
bustle  was  created  by  the  endeavor  to  remount  the  gun.  Deceived 
by  this  idea,  the  British  grew  more  bold,  advancing  three  of  their 
bomb-vessels  closer  to  the  works.  No  sight  could  have  been  more 
welcome  to  the  Americans.  Waiting  until  the  ships  had  come 
within  range,  the  garrison  opened  a  well -aimed  and  rapid  fire,  which 
was  the  more  severe  in  consequence  of  the  inaction  to  which  it 
had  been  compelled  throughout  the  day.  It  was  not  long  before  the 
enemy  was  glad  to  retire  to  his  old  anchorage-ground.  When  the 
three  vessels  were  thus  seen  in  retreat,  a  cheer  rose  simultaneously 
from  the  main  fort  and  from  the  two  batteries  beside  it,  which  rose 
over  all  the  noise  of  the  bombardment,  and  dying  off  across  the 
waters  of  the  bay,  was  repeated  again  and  again,  until  the  heavens 
themselves  seemed  to  tremble  at  the  shout. 

Evening  drew  on.  The  silence  from  the  shore  showed  that  the 
land  forces  were  quietly  lying  on  their  arms ;  yet  the  fury  of  the 
assault  on  Fort  McHeriry  was  not  intermitted,  but  rather  increased. 
As  quiet  gathered  around  nature,  the  hissing  of  the  shells  became 
louder,  and  the  pathways,  through  which  the  eye  had  followed  them 
with  difficulty  all  day,  now  grew  luminous,  like  the  track  of  shoot- 
ing stars.  Soon  the  black  arch  of  heaven  was  seamed,  to  and  fro, 
by  the  trail  of  innumerable  shells ;  for,  as  the  night  advanced,  the 
firing  on  the  part  of  the  enemy  was  redoubled.  By  the  ghastly 
light  flung  across  the  landscape,  two  or  three  rocket-vessels  and 
barges  were  discerned  starting  for  the  city,  apparently  loaded  with 
scaling-ladders  and  men ;  but  the  cannonade  opened  on  them  by  the 
forts  in  the  Patapsco,  soon  drove  back  the  adventurous  boats.  Mid- 
night came,  yet  brought  no  cessation  to  the  strife.  As  the  night 
wore,  many  a  heart  beat  with  terrible  anxiety,  lest,  on  the  dawn  of 
day,  the  flag  of  America  should  be  seen  supplanted  on  the  ramparts 
by  that  of  Great  Britain.  Among  others,  there  was  one,  a  prisoner 
in  the  enemy's  hands,  who  watched,  through  ten  long  hours  of  that 
terrible  darkness,  and  who,  when  his  eyes  were  greeted,  at  sunrise, 
by  the  sight  of  his  country's  ensign  still  waving  over  the  fort,  burst 
forth  into  exulting  lyric,  which  will  continue  to  be  sung  with  enthu- 
siasm to  the  latest  posterity. 

At  seven  o'clock,  on  the  morning  of  the  14th,  the  bombardment 
ceased.  During  the  night,  Admiral  Cochrane  had  communicated 


196  SAMUEL    SMITH. 

with  Colonel  Brook,  on  whom  the  command  of  the  land  forces  had 
devolved ;  and  the  result  was,  that  the  further  prosecution  of  the 
enterprise  was  adjudged  impracticable.  Accordingly,  the  enemy 
immediately  began  a  retreat.  The  bombardment,  however,  was 
still  continued,  in  order  to  distract  the  attention  of  the  Americans. 

The  rain,  which  fell  throughout  most  of  the  night,  and  rendered  the 
darkness  intense,  assisted  further  to  cover  the  retrogade  movement ; 
and  when  it  was  discerned  in  the  morning  by  our  forces,  the 
enemy  had  gained  too  great  a  distance  to  be  pursued  with  any  hopes 
of  success,  especially  by  troops  exhausted  by  three  days'  marching 
and  fighting.  That  evening  the  embarkation  of  the  British  began, 
from  North  Point,  and  was  completed  the  next  day,  shortly  after 
the  hour  of  noon.  The  news  of  the  final  retirement  of  the  enemy, 
was  received  with  rapture  in  Baltimore,  and  heard  throughout  the 
country  with  the  liveliest  expressions  of  sympathetic  joy.  All  now 
united  to  compliment  the  prudence,  skill  and  energy  of  General 
Smith,  while  they  did  not  forget  also  to  remember  the  courage  dis- 
played by  his  numerous  subordinates. 

General  Smith  survived  this  battle  for  nearly  twenty-five  years. 
On  one  other  occasion,  it  was  reserved  for  him  to  play  a  prominent 
part.  It  was  during  the  bank  riots  in  Baltimore,  in  1836.  When 
the  spirit  of  license  and  outrage  had  attained  to  such  a  height  that 
neither  life  nor  property  were  any  longer  safe;  when  the  public 
authorities  were  set  at  defiance,  and  the  houses  of  the  civic  func- 
tionaries wantonly  sacked,  General  Smith,  as  a  last  resort,  though  in 
his  eighty-fourth  year,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  such  weli- 
disposed  citizens  as  were  courageous  enough  to  sustain  him,  and 
issuing  into  the  streets,  carrying  the  flag  of  the  United  States,  called 
on  all  friends  of  the  laws  to  rally  around  him.  The  example  of  his 
grey  hairs,  the  recollection  of  his  many  services,  and  the  sight  of 
the  banner  for  which  he  had  fought  so  frequently,  thrilled  the  crowd 
with  enthusiasm,  aroused  the  dormant  citizens  to  a  sense  of  their 
duty,  and  struck  dismay  into  the  rioters.  The  law  triumphed. 
There  is  no  spectacle  more  grand  than  that  of  this  aged  veteran 
thus  fearlessly  risking  his  life  against  a  lawless  mob,  to  preserve 
those  liberties,  to  gain  which  he  had  faced  the  armies  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, sixty  years  before ! 

In  October,  1836,  in  consequence  of  this  act,  General  Smith  was 
elected  mayor  of  Baltimore,  almost  unanimously.  He  held  the 
office  until  near  the  period  of  his  decease.  On  the  22d  of  April, 
1839  this  aged  soldier  died ;  one  of  the  last,  as  well  as  best,  of  the 
men  of  the  Revolution ! 


JACKSON  AT  THE  BATTLE  OF  EMCCKFAO 


ANDREW    JACKSON. 

HERE  never,  perhaps,  was  a  warrior  of 
greater  resolution  than  Jackson.  He  was  a 
man,  as  Emmett  said,  to  burn  every  blade 
of  grass  before  an  enemy ;  or,  as  the 
Prince  of  Orange  even  more  heroically  ex- 
pressed it,  to  die  in  the  last  ditch  sooner  than 
submit.  He  never  trifled  in  great  emergen- 
cies, never  shrank  from  assuming  the  respon- 
sibility required  by  circumstances,  but  while 
others  wasted  precious  moments  in  hesita- 
"ipsssias,  tation,  acted,  and  with  a  terrible  energy  and 
promptitude,  which  appalled  opposition.  His  determined  will  has 
passed  into  a  proverb.  Whatever  he  conceived  to  be  right,  that  he 
fearlessly  did,  and  would  have  attempted  it,  even  if  superhuman 
pDwers  opposed  him.  He  had  the  nerve  of  Cromwell,  without  his 
craft  j  the  headlong  impetuosity  of  Murat,  without  his  weakness ;  the 
xvn*  197 


198  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

desperate  resolution  and  confidence  in  himself,  which  carried  Na 
poleon  from  victory  to  victory.  Frequently,  his  wilfulness  degene- 
rated into  obstinacy,  while  his  impulsive  character  sometimes 
hurried  him  into  excess.  But,  nevertheless,  if  honesty,  patriotism, 
and  unflinching  adherence  to  conviction,  constitute  the  hero,  then 
was  Jackson  one  in  the  highest  and  fullest  sense  of  that  term. 

It  was  his  terrible  firmness  of  purpose,  more  than  his  skill  in 
tactics,  which  made  him  so  uniformly  successful  in  war.  He  pos- 
sessed a  tenacity  that  nothing  could  overcome.  He  would  have 
stood  up  in  single  combat,  and  suffered  himself  to  be  hacked,  piece- 
meal, but  never  surrendered.  In  an  unsuccessful  campaign,  he 
would  have  struggled  long  after  hope  had  left  every  other  bosom, 
and  then  ravaged  the  line  of  his  retreat  with  fire  and  sword,  to 
harass  his  pursuers.  It  is  now  known  that,  if  he  had  been  defeated 
at  New  Orleans,  he  would  have  burned  the  city.  His  conduct  in  the 
Seminole  campaign  of  1818,  when  he  crossed  the  Spanish  frontier, 
and  hung  two  Englishmen  who  had  fomented  the  disturbances,  is 
another  illustration  of  this  point  in  his  character.  One  less  familiar, 
but  equally  striking,  is  his  refusal  to  disband  the  volunteers  under 
his  command  in  1812,  when  they  were  at  a  distance  from  home,  and 
many  of  them  sick,  marching  them  back  at  the  expense  of  the  United 
States,  and  in  direct  opposition  to  orders  from  Washington.  His 
political  career  furnishes  numerous  instances  of  this  indomitable 
will.  In  short,  he  was  inflexible  in  his  own  opinion,  whether  in 
military  or  civil  life.  Those  who  thought  with  him  in  politics,  con- 
sidered him  on  this  account,  a  hero ;  those  who  differed  with  him, 
and  party  violence  never  raged  greater  than  in  his  day,  regarded 
him  as  perversely  obstinate.  To  posterity  must  be  left  the  task  of 
deciding  between  the  two.  But  all  men  agree  that  this  firmness  was 
invaluable  in  war,  and  that  America  has  seen  few  Generals  who 
can  compete  with  the  hero  of  New  Orleans. 

Andrew  Jackson  was  born  at  the  Waxhaw  settlement,  South 
Carolina,  on  the  15th  of  March,  1767.  His  parents  had  emigrated 
from  Ireland  only  two  years  before.  The  father  died  soon  after  the 
birth  of  the  son.  His  mother,  though  in  narrow  pecuniary  circum- 
stances, aspired  to  educate  her  orphan  boy  to  be  a  minister  of  the 
gospel ;  and,  with  this  purpose  in  view,  placed  him  at  an  academy, 
where  he  continued  until  the  approach  of  the  British  army  into  the 
vicinity,  induced  him  to  assume  arms.  This  was  in  1781,  when  Jackson 
was  only  fourteen.  He  was  soon  taken  prisoner,  as  well  as  an  older 
brother,  and  both  were  cruelly  maltreated  by  their  captors,  the 
brother  especially  so,  for  he  died  of  his  injuries  shortly  after  being 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  19J 

exchanged.  The  life  of  Andrew  was  only  saved  by  receiving  on 
his  hand  the  blow  intended  for  his  head.  The  mother  soon  followed 
her  son  to  the  grave,  and  Andrew  became  sole  heir  of  the  small 
family  estate.  He  now  abandoned  all  thoughts  of  the  ministry,  and 
began  to  study  law  at  Salisbury,  North  Carolina.  In  1786,  he  was 
admitted  to  the  bar.  Two  years  after,  actuated  by  that  ambition 
which  even  then  carried  so  many  ardent  spirits  westward,  he  removed 
to  Nashville,  at  that  time  a  new  settlement  on  the  frontier  of  North 
Carolina. 

In  1790,  what  is  now  the  state  of  Tennessee  was  organized  into 
a  territory,  and  Jackson  received  the  appointment  of  United  States 
Attorney.  From  this  period  he  played  a  prominent  part  in  the 
politics  of  the  district.  When  the  territory  was  erected  into  a  state, 
in  1796,  he  was  a  leading  member  in  the  convention  to  frame  a  con- 
stitution. His  professional  career  was  attended  with  much  success. 
He  was  even  more  distinguished,  however,  in  the  continual  skir- 
mishes with  the  savages,  that  took  place  on  that  exposed  frontier ; 
and  the  Indians,  in  compliment  to  his  courage  and  skill,  called  him 
"  the  Sharp  Knife,"  and  the  "  Pointed  Arrow."  On  the  adoption  of 
the  state  constitution,  he  was  chosen  a  representative  to  Congress, 
and  in  the  succeeding  year,  a  United  States  Senator.  He  disliked 
the  intrigues  of  politics,  however,  and,  after  one  session,  resigned  his 
seat.  He  was  now  appointed  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Ten- 
nessee, but  this  honorable  office  also,  he  soon  threw  up.  Retiring 
to  a  farm  which  he  had  purchased  on  the  Cumberland  river,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Nashville,  he  continued  to  reside  there,  declining  all  civil 
employments  until  the  war  of  1812  broke  out. 

This  contest  found  Jackson  a  Major-General  of  the  militia.  His 
ambition  was  decidedly  military,  and  though  he  had  refused  all 
ordinary  offices,  he  now  sought  the  commission  of  a  Brigadier- 
General  in  the  army  of  the  United  States.  His  competitor,  Win- 
chester, triumphed  over  him;  but  Jackson  was  not  left  without 
employment,  being  sent  with  nearly  three  thousand  volunteers  .to 
Natchez,  to  guard  that  frontier  against  an  apprehended  visit  of  the 
Indians.  The  threatened  tempest,  however,  blew  over,  and  Jackson 
was  ordered  by  the  Secretary  of  War  to  disband  his  troops  on  the 
spot.  This  he  refused  to  do,  alleging,  that  as  they  were  far  from 
home,  without  funds,  and  many  of  them  sick,  such  a  proceeding 
would  be  unjust.  He  consequently  kept  them  together,  and  led 
them  back  to  Tennessee,  where  he  disbanded  them.  The  govern- 
ment accepted  the  explanation.  In  the  autumn  of  1813,  he  again 
took  the  field,  at  the  head  of  one  of  the  two  divisions  of  Tennessee 


200  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

militia,  called  out  to  chastise  the  Creeks,  in  Georgia,  and  avenge 
the  massacre  at  Fort  Mimms. 

Accordingly,  on  the  2d  of  November,  Jackson  detached  Brigadier. 
General  Coffee  on  an  expedition  against  Tallushatchee,  which  was 
completely  successful,  and  a  few  days  after,  followed  it  up  in  person, 
by  the  great  battle  of  Talledega,  in  which  over  three  hundred  of  the 
Creeks  fell.  From  this  period,  until  the  middle  of  January,  1814, 
he  remained  comparatively  idle,  in  consequence  of  the  term  of  most 
of  his  troops  having  expired,  though,  meantime,  the  campaign  was 
prosecuted  with  considerable  success,  by  Generals  Cocke,  Clairborne, 
Floyd,  and  others,  at  the  head  of  different  detachments.  At  last,  on 
the  14th  of  January,  Jackson  was  joined  at  Fort  Strother  by 
eight  hundred  fresh  volunteers  from  Tennessee.  His  force 
was,  by  this,  raised  to  nine  hundred  and  thirty,  exclusive  of  Indians. 
He  immediately  began  offensive  operations.  On  the  20th,  while 
advancing  into  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  country,  he  was  joined  by 
two  hundred  friendly  Indians.  On  the  22d,  he  was  attacked  in  his 
temporary  camp  at  Tallapoosa,  by  a  superior  force  of  savages,  who 
were,  however,  beaten  off  after  a  desperate  struggle.  The  scarcity 
of  supplies,  and  the  number  of  his  wounded,  induced  Jackson,  on  the 
following  morning,  to  commence  a  retrograde  movement  towards 
Fort  Strother.  On  the  second  day  of  his  retreat  he  was  attacked 
by  the  savages  at  Enotachopco  creek,  and,  at  first,  owing  to  the 
flight  of  a  portion  of  his  troops,  the  Indians  gained  some  advantage, 
but  the  regulars  manfully  standing  their  ground,  the  enemy  was 
finally  repulsed,  with  a  loss  of  over  two  hundred  of  his  warriors. 
The  Americans  were  now  permitted  to  prosecute  their  way  without 
further  molestation. 

On  the  24th  of  March,  Jackson  having  been  reinforced,  once  more 
marched  into  the  heart  of  the  Creek  country.  On  the  27th,  he  had 
reached  Horse-Shoe  Bend,  on  the  Tallapoosa,  three  miles  beyond  the 
spot  where  the  fight  of  the  22d  of  January  had  occurred.  Here,  as 
the  name  implies,  the  river  makes  a  curvature,  and  in  the  bend  thus 
formed,  the  Indians  had  collected  for  a  last  desperate  stand,  fortifying 
the  neck  of  land  which  led  into  their  retreat,  by  a  breastwork  nearly 
eight  feet  in  height,  pierced  with  double  rows  of  port-holes,  and  so 
constructed  that  no  enemy  could  approach  without  being  subjected 
to  a  double  and  cross  fire.  Jackson's  first  care  was  to  line  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  river,  so  as  to  prevent  the  escape  of  the  savages.  He 
then  advanced  boldly  to  the  attack  of  the  intrenchments  in  front. 
The  friendly  Indians  stationed  on  the  banks,  becoming  warned  of 
the  battle,  crossed  over  to  the  peninsula,  and  drove  the  Creeks 


ANDREW    JACKSOy.  201 

into  their  fortifications.  But  failing  to  dislodge  them  from  their 
works,  Jackson,  after  ordering  General  Coffee's  detachment  to  guard 
the  banks,  in  place  of  the  Indians,  advanced  to  the  storm.  The 
troops,  who  had  waited  impatiently  for  this  movement,  received  the 
'.ommand  with  loud  shouts  of  joy.  The  struggle,  for  a  few  minutes, 
was  awful.  The  hostile  savages  fought  with  the  rage  of  wounded 
tigers,  firing  rapidly,  and  with  deadly  aim,  through  the  port-holes  ; 
while  the  Americans,  advancing  to  the  breastwork,  struggled, 
muzzle  to  muzzle,  in  many  cases  the  balls  of  the  Indians  being 
welded  on  the  bayonets  of  the  assailants.  At  last  the  intrenchments 
were  carried.  And  now  the  rout  and  slaughter  became  fearful. 
Scarcely  twenty  of  the  foe  escaped  unhurt.  Three  hundred  were 
taken  prisoners.  Five  hundred  and  fifty-seven  dead  bodies  were 
found,  among  them  that  of  Manahoee,  the  great  prophet  of  the 
Creeks.  The  loss  on  Jackson's  side,  was  forty-nine  killed,  and  one 
hundred  and  fifty-four  wounded.  From  that  hour,  the  proud  heart 
of  the  Creeks  was  broken.  '  They  never  again  lifted  the  hatchet 
against  the  United  States,  but  on  the  1st  of  August,  sent  their  prin- 
cipal chiefs  to  Fort  Jackson  to  sue  for  peace. 

This  treaty  had  scarcely  been  completed,  however,  before  the 
attention  of  Jackson  was  required  to  avert  a  greater  danger.  He 
had,  after  adjusting  the  Creek  difficulties,  fixed  his  head  quarters 
at  Mobile,  and  here,  on  the  27th  of  August,  he  received  intelligence 
that  three  British  vessels  had  arrived  at  Pensacola  two  days  before, 
and  after  disembarking  a  large  quantity  of  provisions  and  munitions 
of  war,  had  placed  a  garrison  of  between  two  and  three  hundred 
troops  in  the  fort.  The  express  which  brought  this  startling  infor- 
mation, also  announced  that  thirteen  sail  of  the  line,  with  ten  thou- 
sand troops,  and  the  requisite  number  of  transports,  were  daily 
expected.  On  the  receipt  of  this  news,  Jackson  despatched  a  courier 
to  the  Governor  of  Tennessee,  requesting  that  the  whole  quota  of 
the  militia  of  that  state  should  be  at  once  brought  into  the  field.  On 
the  15th  of  September,  the  British  squadron  from  Pensacola, 
augmented  by  another  ship,  made  an  attack  on  Fort  Bowyer,  at  the 
foot  of  Mobile  bay,  thirty  miles  below  the  town  of  the  same  name, 
where  Jackson  was  established ;  but  they  were  repulsed  with  a 
slaughter  almost  unprecedented  in  the  annals  of  war,  one  of  the 
ships  losing  one  hundred  and  forty-nine  men,  out  of  a  crew  of  one 
hundred  and  seventy.  Having  received  an  accession  of  force  from 
Tennessee,  amounting  to  nearly  two  thousand,  Jackson  marched  to 
chastise  the  Spanish  Governor  of  Pensacola,  for  allowing  the  British  to 
fit  out  hostile  expeditions  in  that  port.  He  stormed  one  of  the  batteries  of 
the  town  on  the  7th  of  November,  on  which'  the  Governor  surren- 

26 


202  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

dered  the  city  and  fort  unconditionally.  On  this,  the  British  squadron, 
consisting  of  seven  armed  vessels,  sailed  from  the  harbor.  Having 
completed  his  object,  Jackson  now  hurried  to  New  Orleans,  thai 
place  being  threatened  by  a  formidable  expedition  which  had  just 
sailed  from  Jamaica,  with  the  motto  of  "beauty  and  booty,"  to 
stimulate  the  soldiers :  an  expedition,  forming  one  of  a  series  begun 
with  the  express  intent,  as  Admiral  Cochrane  had  officially  declared, 
"  to  lay  waste  all  towns  and  districts  of  the  United  States  found 
accessible  to  the  attack  of  British  armaments." 

Jackson  reached  New  Orleans  on  the  2d  of  December,  and  imme- 
diately began  to  place  it  in  a  condition  of  defence.  It  is  well  knowu 
that  innumerable  channels  intersect  the  delta  of  the  Mississippi, 
below  the  town.  Few  of  these  were  properly  fortified ;  and,  in  con- 
sequence, the  alarm  was  general.  Discontent,  too,  was  abroad. 
The  city  corps  had  refused  to  turn  out.  Spies  daily  left  the  city  to 
bear  information  to  the  enemy,  yet  the  legislature  hesitated  to  sus- 
pend the  habeas  corpus  act.  In  this  crisis,  General  Jackson  acted 
with  an  energy,  which,  however  despotic  it  seemed  to  its  victims, 
probably  saved  the  town.  He  proclaimed  martial  law,  and  laid  an 
embargo  on  all  vessels  in  the  harbor,  thus  cutting  off  treasonable 
communication  with  the  enemy.  He  called  out  the  militia,  en  masse. 
He  impressed  the  negroes  to  assist  in  the  defence.  A  characteristic 
anecdote  will  show  the  vigor  and  promptitude  with  which  he  acted. 
He  had  taken  the  cotton  of  a  merchant  to  use  upon  the  lines,  when 
the  owner,  indignant  at  this  appropriation  of  his  property,  called  at 
head-quarters  to  remonstrate.  Jackson  heard  the  complaint  in 
silence.  "  All  wrong,  very  wrong,  as  you  say/'  he  remarked  in 
his  impetuous  manner,  when  the  man  had  closed :  "  tell  that  sentry 
to  walk  in."  The  merchant,  fancying  he  was  about  to  have  resti- 
tution, hurried  to  obey,  and  the  sentry  appeared.  "  Give  that  man 
your  musket,"  said  Jackson,  addressing  the  soldier,  and  pointing  to 
the  merchant :  then,  turning  to  the  astonished  trader,  he  said  sternly, 
"  now  sir,  I  will  make  affairs  right — march  down  to  the  lines  and 
defend  your  property."  Arbitrary  as  such  conduct  appeared  to  the 
listener,  it  was,  perhaps,  necessary  to  the  salvation  of  the  city.  It 
was  a  crisis  when  not  only  men's  property,  but  their  lives  belonged 
no  longer  to  themselves,  but  to  the  state. 

The  British  appeared  off  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  on  the  5th 
of  December,  only  three  days  after  the  arrival  of  Jackson  at  New 
Orleans.  One  of  those  circumstances,  which  appear  fortuitous,  but 
which  are,  perhaps,  ordained  by  a  protecting  Providence,  had  delayed 
the  sailing  of  the  expedition  from  Jamaica  for  ten  days,  and  thus,  by 
affording  time  for  Jackson's  arrival,  saved  the  city.  The  occurrence, 


ANDREW    JACKSON.  203 

tiot  generally  known,  was  this.  The  fleet  of  Cochrane,  with  the 
troops  of  Packenham  were  at  Jamaica,  ready  for  the  expedition, 
except  that  they  were  ordered  to  wait  the  arrival  of  a  squadron 
from  England  under  Captain  Floyd.  This  squadron  had  reached 
the  port  of  Fayal,  as  early  as  the  26th  of  September,  but  finding  an 
American  privateer,  the  General  Armstrong,  in  the  harbor,  had 
determined  to  capture  her.  Two  several  attacks,  however,  were 
made  on  the  Armstrong  without  success :  the  first  by  three  boats, 
the  last  by  sixteen.  In  these  struggles  the  British  lost  two  hundred 
of  their  best  men.  Finding  that  a  third  attack,  still  more  imposing, 
was  to  be  made,  Captain  Reid  of  the  Armstrong  scuttled  and  aban- 
doned her,  taking  refuge  on  shore  under  the  Portuguese  authorities. 
This  assault  was  made  in  defiance  of  the  sanctity  of  a  neutral  port; 
and  when  the  commandant  at  Fayal  remonstrated  against  the  attack, 
he  was  told  that  if  he  attempted  to  protect  the  Armstrong,  the  British 
would  fire  on  the  town.  No  more  spirited  defence,  than  that  of  this 
little  privateer,  is  recorded  in  the  whole  annals  of  naval  history. 
But  its  greatest  merit,  though  one  little  suspected  at  the  time,  was 
that,  by  causing  a  delay  of  ten  days  on  the  part  of  Captain  Floyd, 
it  protracted  for  just  that  period,  his  arrival  at  Jamaica,  and  the 
sailing  of  the  fleet.  If  the  squadron  had  not  been  detained  at  Fayal 
by  the  Armstrong,  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  British  would  have 
arrived  off  the  Mississippi  on  the  25th  of  November.  At  that  period 
Jackson  had  not  reached  New  Orleans,  and,  as  no  adequate  measures 
were  being  taken  for  its  defence,  the  place  must  have  fallen  before 
he  made  his  appearance  on  the  2d  of  December. 

The  British  had  taken  the  precaution  to  make  themselves  tho- 
roughly acquainted  with  the  topography  of  the  coast,  and  discovering 
that  the  routes  through  Lakes  Ponchartrain  and  Borgue  were  the 
most  assailable  means  of  access  to  the  city,  they  resolved  to  lose  no 
time  in  needless  delays,  but  push  on  at  once  to  the  object  of  their 
desires.  An  unexpected  difficulty,  however,  soon  presented  itself  in 
a  flotilla  of  American  gun-boats,  which  had  been  sent  to  defend 
these  passes.  A  sharp  action  ensued,  in  which  the  enemy,  after  a 
heavy  loss,  came  off  victorious.  No  obstacle  now  existing  to  their 
landing,  the  troops  were  disembarked  on  Pea  Island,  where  some  Spa- 
nish fishermen  speedily  betrayed  that  the  pass  of  Bienvenu  was  as  yet 
unguarded,  and  that  a  vigorous  movement  of  five  or  six  hours  made 
from  this  point,  would  carry  the  assailants  to  the  heart  of  New 
Orleans.  Availing  themselves  of  this  information,  a  strong  force 
was  immediately  transported  across  the  river,  and  before  noon  or 
the  22d  took  up  a  position  on  Vivery's  canal 


204  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

It  was  at  this  spot,  scarcely  nine  miles  distant  from  the  city,  that 
a  part  of  Jackson's  staff  accidentally  discovered  the  enemy.  The 
news  spread  consternation  through  the  town.  But,  meantime,  the 
American  commander  had  heen  reinforced  by  four  thousand  Ten- 
nessee militia,  and  by  the  Baratarians,  a  body  of  half  piratical  men, 
inhabiting  some  islands  on  the  coast,  to  whom  an  amnesty  had  been 
granted  on  the  condition  that  they  joined  in  the  defence  of  New 
Orleans.  Accordingly,  leaving  a  force  to  guard  the  avenues  to  the 
city  in  his  rear,  Jackson  marched  out  to  assail  the  British  with  all  his 
available  troops,  amounting  to  fifteen  hundred  men.  His  intention 
was  to  mal?e  a  night  attack  on  the  front  and  flanks  of  the  enemy ; 
but  the  plan  failing  in  several  important  particulars,  he  ordered  a 
retreat,  and  fell  back,  after  a  doubtful  engagement,  to  a  narrow 
plain  on  the  road  to  New  Orleans,  flanked  on  the  right  by  the  Mis- 
sissippi, and  on  the  left  by  an  impregnable  cypress  swamp.  The 
alacrity,  however,  with  which  he  offered  in  this  early  stage  to  meet 
the  foe,  inspired  his  army  with  resolution  and  checked  the  ardor  of 
the  enemy ! 

It  had  been  the  intention  of  General  Jackson  to  march  out  into 
the  open  field,  and  renew  the  engagement  in  the  morning,  but  sub- 
sequent reflection  on  the  inferiority  of  his  force  induced  him  to 
resolve  on  a  strictly  defensive  system.  Accordingly,  he  began  for- 
tifying his  position  with  incredible  alacrity.  A  ditch  dug  for  agri- 
cultural purposes,  ran  along  his  front  from  the  river  to  the  swamp ; 
it  was  only  left  for  him,  therefore,  to  throw  up  an  intrenchment  and 
erect  flanking  batteries.  Bales  of  cotton  were  successfully  employed 
for  this  purpose.  Bastions  were  hastily  constructed  and  mounted 
with  heavy  cannon,  to  enfilade  the  whole  front.  To  render  the 
position  still  more  secure  a  battery  of  twenty  guns,  flanking  the  length 
of  the  parapet,  was  erected  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  committed  to  the  charge  of  Commodore  Patterson  of  the  navy, 
and  a  body  of  militia. 

The  English  force  was  under  the  command  of  Sir  Edward  Pack- 
enham,  a  brave  and  veteran  soldier.  This  General  at  first  deter- 
mined to  make  regular  approaches  to  the  works ;  but  having  failed 
in  the  attempt,  in  consequence  of  the  superior  weight  of  the  Ameri 
can  artillery,  he  resolved,  with  the  impetuous  hardihood  he  had 
acquired  in  the  Peninsular  war,  to  carry  the  intrenchments  by 
assault,  and  thus  put  an  end  at  once  to  the  affair.  With  troops  fresh 
from  the  Spanish  campaigns,  he  did  not  doubt  of  complete  suc- 
cess against  the  raw  levies  of  which  his  spies  informed  him  the  force 
of  General  Jackson  was  entirely  composed.  He  neglected,  however 


ANDREW    JACKSOJT.  205 

no  advantage  which  strategy  could  give  him ;  for  he  employed  his 
men  in  secretly  widening  the  canal  behind  his  army,  by  which  boats 
might  be  brought  up  to  the  Mississippi,  and  troops  ferried  across  to 
carry  the  battery  we  have  spoken  of,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river, 
so  as  to  prevent  the  assailing  columns  from  being  raked  by  its  fire, 
as  they  moved  to  attack  the  parapet. 

These  preparations  having  all  been  completed  by  the  night  of  the 
7th  of  January,  Packenham  determined  on  an  assault  before  day- 
break of  the  ensuing  day.  Colonel  Thornton,  with  about  fourteen 
hundred  men,  was  to  cross  over  by  night  to  the  western  bank  of  the 
Mississippi,  and,  storming  the  battery  there,  proceed  up  the  river 
until  he  came  opposite  to  New  Orleans.  Meantime,  the  main  attack 
on  the  intrenchments  on  the  eastern  bank  was  confided  to  two  co- 
lumns ;  the  first  led  by  General  Gibbs,  the  second  by  General  Keane. 
The  reserve  was  commanded  by  General  Lambert.  Having  made 
these  dispositions,  the  soldiers  were  allowed  some  rest ;  but  many  an 
eye  refused  to  sleep ;  and  the  sentry,  as  he  walked  his  rounds,  dreamed 
of  past  victories,  or  anticipated  the  morrow's  glory.  In  the  American 
camp  all  was  still.  The  night  was  unusually  cold,  and  sounds  were 
distinguishable  for  a  long  distance ;  but  nothing  was  heard  from  the 
British  position,  except  an  occasional  murmur  rising  and  falling  on 
the  night  wind. 

Various  delays  occurred  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  to  prevent 
Colonel  Thornton  from  reaching  his  destination  in  time ;  and  the 
night  passed  without  Packenham  receiving  the  expected  news  of  his 
success.  At  length,  that  General  became  impatient,  and,  toward? 
five  o'clock,  ordered  the  assault.  Gibbs's  column  advanced  first  to 
the  attack.  But  the  wintry  dawn  had  now  begun  to  break,  and  the 
Americans,  amid  a  storm  of  bombs  and  Congreve  rockets,  suddenly 
beheld  the  dark  masses  of  the  enemy,  at  the  distance  of  nine  hun- 
dred yards,  moving  rapidly  across  the  plain.  Instantly  a  tremen- 
dous fire  was  opened  on  them  from  the  batteries.  But  the  veterans 
of  the  4th  and  21st  regiments,  undaunted  by  the  danger,  pressed 
steadily  forward.  When  they  came  within  reach  of  the  musketry 
of  the  militia,  the  crash  of  fire-arms  joined  its  sharp  explosions  to 
the  deep  roar  of  the  artillery,  and  burst  after  burst  rolled  off  across 
the  plain,  resembling  incessant  and  tremendous  peals  of  thunder. 
Yet  that  splendid  British  infantry  never  flinched.  The  fire  from  the 
ramparts,  like  a  stream  of  burning  lava,  now  filled  the  intervening 
space ;  but  still  undaunted,  these  veterans  pushed  on,  closing  up 
their  front  as  one  after  another  fell,  and  only  pausing  when  they 
cached  the  slippery  edge  of  tthe  glacis. 

XVIII 


206  ANDREW    JACKSON. 

Here  it  was  found  that  the  scaling-ladders  and  fascines  had  been 
forgotten,  and  a  halt  occurred,  until  they  could  he  sent  for  and 
brought  up.  All  this  time,  the  deadly  rifles  of  the  Americans  were 
aimed  at  the  British  ranks,  which  soon,  riddled  through  and  through, 
fell  back  in  disorder  from  the  foot  of  the  parapet.  Seeing  the  con- 
fusion, Packenham  himself  galloped  up.  Dashing  immediately  to 
the  head  of  the  44th  regiment,  he  rallied  the  men,  and  led  them  to 
the  foot  of  the  glacis,  his  head  uncovered,  himself  cheering  them 
on.  While  in  this  very  act,  a  bail  struck  him,  and  he  fell  mortally 
wounded.  Appalled  by  this  sight,  his  troops  once  more  recoiled ; 
but  their  officers,  reminding  them  of  past  glories,  again  brought 
them  up  to  the  attack ;  and,  with  desperate  but  unavailing  courage, 
they  strove  to  force  their  way  over  the  ditch  and  up  the  fatal 
intrenchments.  Quick  and  close,  however,  the  rifles  of  the  Ameri- 
cans met  them  at  every  turn.  Again  they  recoiled.  General  Gibbs, 
who  had  succeeded  Packenham,  was  struck  down.  But  the  reserve 
was  now  in  full  advance  ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  tempest  of  grape 
and  shell  which  swept  the  plain,  it  continued  to  press  on,  led  by  the 
gallant  Keane.  Soon  he,  too,  fell.  But  the  regiment  he  led  was  a 
thousand  strong,  and  composed  wholly  of  Sutherland  Highlanders. 
It  had  faced  death  in  many  a  battle-field  before.  Burning  to  avenge 
the  fall  of  three  commanders  in  succession,  it  rushed  on  with  inex- 
tinguishable fury,  forcing  the  leading  files  before  it,  until  the  slope 
of  the  glacis  was  gained ;  and  here,  though  destitute  of  fascines  or 
ladders,  the  men  still  pressed  on,  mounting  on  each  others  shoulders 
to  gain  a  foothold  in  the  works,  where  they  fought  with  the  ferocity 
of  frantic  lions,  mad  with  rage  and  despair.  Few  of  them,  how- 
ever, reached  this  point ;  for  the  rifles  of  the  defenders  cut  them  off 
almost  to  a  man,  before  they  crossed  the  ditch,  and  those  who  clam- 
bered up  the  intrenchments,  were  bayoneted  as  they  appeared.  In 
the  midst  of  this  terrific  carnage,  an  officer  on  a  white  horse  was 
seen  dashing  to  the  glacis.  He  fell,  pierced  by  a  ball,  just  as  he 
reached  the  edge ;  but  the  noble  animal,  plunging  headlong  for- 
ward, over  the  wounded  and  the  dead,  crossed  the  ditch,  leaped  the 
intrenchments  with  one  wild  bound,  and  stood  trembling  in  every 
limb,  in  the  very  heart  of  the  American  forces.  The  gallant  animal 
was  taken  care  of,  and  subsequently  became  a  favorite  with  the 
soldiers. 

Thrice  the  enemy  advanced  to  the  assault ;  thrice  he  was  hurled 
back  in  wild  disorder.  Nothing  could  withstand  the  terrific  fire  of 
the  Americans.  The  plain  was  already  encumbered  with  nearly 
two  thousand  dead  and  wounded,  and,  as  fast  as  the  heads  of 


ANDREW     JACKSON.  207 

columns  appeared,  they  melted  away  before  the  grape-shot.  On 
the  left,  some  companies,  which  at  first  had  penetrated  to  an  unfi- 
nished intrenchment,  were  fast  disappearing  beneath  the  murderous 
cannonade.  At  places  where  the  fiercest  struggles  had  been  made, 
the  dead  were  piled  in  heaps.  The  fearful  carnage  of  that  day 
brought  to  many  a  mind  the  slaughter  of  the  forlorn  hope  at  Bada- 
joz ;  and  the  British  officer,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  command, 
almost  gave  way  to  audible  lamentations,  when  he  saw  the  full  ex- 
tent of  the  carnage. 

The  utter  ruin  of  the  enemy's  army  would  have  followed,  but  for 
the  success  of  Colonel  Thornton,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river. 
Jackson  was  forced,  in  consequence  of  this,  to  turn  his  attention  in 
that  direction ;  and  preparations  were  accordingly  made  to  dislodge 
the  foe  from  his  captured  position.  Before,  however,  any  move- 
ment was  made,  Thornton  was  withdrawn  from  the  works,  the 
British  General  not  considering  himself  able  to  spare  sufficient  troops, 
after  his  severe  losses,  to  hold  it.  Jackson  hastened  to  regain  the 
lost  battery.  The  enemy  now  fell  back  to  his  old  station,  where  he 
remained  until  the  18th,  although  continually  annoyed  by  the  artillery 
of  the  Americans,  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  But,  at  midnight  of 
that  day,  he  precipitately  retreated,  and,  regaining  his  boats,  em- 
barked finally  on  board  the  shipping.  The  difficulties  of  a  pursuit 
were  so  great,  from  the  nature  of  the  ground  and  other  causes,  that 
Jackson  did  not  attempt  seriously  to  harass  the  retreat.  A  few  pri- 
soners were  taken,  and  several  transports  captured.  Thus  was 
repelled  an  expedition,  consisting  of  eleven  thousand  land  troops, 
aiid  four  thousand  seamen  and  marines ;  and  which  had  been  so 
confident  of  success,  that  it  was  accompanied  by  custom-house  and 
other  civil  functionaries. 

For  this  brilliant  victory,  Jackson  received  the  thanks  of  Congress 
and  a  gold  medal.  In  1818,  he  was  entrusted  with  the  command 
of  the  troops  destined  to  operate  against  the  Seminoles.  His  usual 
energy  characterised  him  in  this  war.  He  penetrated  into  Florida, 
to  the  villages  of  the  savages  and  fugitive  slaves  who  had  joined 
them,  devastating  their  settlements,  and  carrying  fire  and  sword 
through  all  their  region.  Discovering  that  the  Indians  had  been 
supplied  with  arms  and  ammunition  from  the  Spanish  posts  in  the 
vicinity,  he  seized  these  places,  and  executed  two  British  subjects 
whom  he  found  there,  engaged  in  this  lawless  traffic.  The  contest 
was  closed  by  the  conquest  of  Florida.  The  posts  taken  by  Jackson 
were,  however,  subsequently  restored  to  Spain;  but  an  attempt,  in 
Congress,  to  pass  a  vote  of  censure  on  the  General,  was  defeated  by 


208  ANDREW    JACKSOIf. 

a  large  majority.  There  can  be  no  doubt,  nevertheless,  that  th« 
seizure  of  these  posts  was  a  violation  of  a  neutral  soil,  though,  per- 
haps, justified  by  the  emergency  of  the  case,  if  not  by  the  secret 
assistance  rendered  to  the  Indians  by  Spain.  In  1821,  by  the  pur- 
chase of  Florida,  the  United  States  rendered  any  such  arbitrary 
measures,  for  the  future,  unnecessary.  Jackson  was  now  appointed 
Governor  of  the  new  territory.  But  he  did  not  long  retain  this  office, 
resigning  it  in  the  following  year,  and  retiring  to  his  farm. 

In  1823,  he  was  elected  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States;  but, 
soon  after,  becoming  a  prominent  candidate  for  the  presidency,  va- 
cated his  seat.  In  the  electoral  college,  for  1S24,  he  received  ninety- 
nine  votes;  Mr.  Adams,  eighty-four  ;  Mr.  Crawford,  forty-one ;  and 
Mr.  Clay,  thirty-seven.  The  election  of  a  President  consequently 
devolved  on  the  House,  when  Mr.  Adams  was  chosen.  In  1828 
however,  being  again  a  candidate,  he  received  one  hundred  and 
seventy-eight  electoral  votes,  while  Mr.  Adams  obtained  but  eighty- 
three.  The  history  of  his  administration  does  not  come  within  the 
scope  of  this  work.  In  1832,  he  was  again  elected  President  by  a 
majority  of  one  hundred  and  seventy  electoral  votes  over  his  antago- 
nist, Mr.  Clay.  In  1836,  he  retired  to  private  life. 

From  this  period  to  that  of  his  death,  he  resided  on  his  farm, 
which  he  called  "  The  Hermitage,"  near  Nashville,  Tennessee.  He 
gradually  became  enfeebled  in  body,  but  retained  his  mental  facul- 
ties in  full  force.  A  few  years  before  his  decease,  he  connected  him- 
self with  the  Presbyterian  church  ;  in  the  communion  of  which  he 
continued,  from  that  hour,  a  sincere  and  exemplary  member.  He 
died  on  the  8th  of  June,  1845. 


Ot-  Cf~/\ 


;       ..v 


iteMI 


ffiiil 


m/ 


lWj 


Jty 


¥ 


•    =?: 


M 


W! 


ccc 

ft  C 


ccc 

" 


(CO 


! 


f;.^r      { 


'         -   -    ^     V 


